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Bharatiya Vidya Series Vol. 16

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(ITS NATURE, INFLUENCE, ORIGIN AND GROWTH)

qsffgti si I

{ Rv. IX.73.0 )

K. R. POTDAR, m.a.

Bhau Daji Prizeman ; Bhugwandas Purshottamdas
Sanskrit Scholar; Sujna Gocul Zala Vedanta
Prizeman ; V. N. Mandlik Gold Medalist and
Prizeman; Tapiben Munshi Gold Medalist ( B.V.B .)

HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SANSKRIT,
ISMAIL YUSUF COLLEGE, JOGESHYVARI,

1953

BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN

CHOWPATTY ROAD, BOMBAY 7

All right* reeerved
lft Edition, October 1953

GENERAL EDITORS :

ACHARYA JINAVIJAYAJI MUNI
PROF. H. D. VELANKAR
PROF. JAYANTAKRISHNA H- DAVE
DR A. D. PUSALKAR

Printed by P. H. Raman at the Associated Advertisers ft Printers Ltd., SOS Arthur Head.
Tardeo, Bombay 7 and published by Prof. J. H. Dave, M.A., LL.B., Hon. Re(latrar,
Bharatiya Vldya Bhavan, Chowpetty Road, Bombay 7.

FOREWORD

We have great pleasure in publishing as Vol. 16 of the Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan’s Bharatiya Vidya Series, the valuable research work
of Prof. K. R. Potdar on “Sacrifice in the Rgveda (Its nature,
influence, origin and growth).” It is based on a minute analysis of
the hymns of the Rgveda and deals with the problem of the Sacrifice
in an entirely original way. It deals with the 'Sacrifice’ in pre-
brahmanic stage and its influence on the evolution of the Aryan
Civilization.

Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
S. Y. 2009.

Vijayadasami,

Bombay 7.

J. H. DAVE
Hon. Registrar.

PREFACE

‘ 3TM ’ STf(TT^^ ‘ It

injsnTTfasTci i ( t^o hi. 28 )

While trying to understand a simile in the seventh mantfala
(VII. 2-Scd), 1 in the course of teaching the mantfala to the M.A.
students in 1942, I had to take up the consideration of the ‘devlh
dvarah’ in the Apr! hymns, which further led to the study of the
Apri hymns as a group. The outcome of that study (1943) was pub¬
lished in the form of a paper in the Journal of the University of
Bombay 1945-46, with a portion of it contributed earlier as a paper
to the All India Oriental Conference at Benares. It is this study
that opened up the question of the sacrifice in the Rgveda, some
remarks about which I had got to make in the course of that study.

Though I was urged to undertake the study in all its aspects by
some scholars, I could not do so till 1951, except writing a few papers
concerning the topic as follows:

(1) Apri hymn in the Atharvaveda, 2 (2) Agni and the sacrifice
in the Rgveda, 3 (3) Sacrificial setting of the philosophical hymns in
the Rgveda, 4 (4) Rbhus in the Itgvedic sacrifice. 5 The problem
however was shaping more clearly in my mind and hence I decided
to work it out in full. The results obtained have been incorporated
in the present work.

It may not be out of place to note here that ever since I was
initiated into the study of the Rgveda by my Guru Prof. H. D.
Velankar (then of the Wilson College) in 1930, I have continuously
been in touch with the study of the Rgveda and though I could not
have the good fortune of receiving his guidance, being out of Bom¬
bay on account of the service conditions, I have no hesitation in plac¬
ing on record the inspiration for the Rgvedic studies, I have derived
from him. It need not be added that for the shortcomings that may
have crept into my work, I am entirely responsible.

As a keen student of the Vedanta, I have watched the efforts of
the veteran Acharyas Badarayana and Sankara, to explain every

1. Vide AHR (appendix), B.U.J. 1946.

2. PAIOC (Nagpur 1946) published in 1951.

3. Paper read at the AIOC, Bombay 1946.

4. Paper contributed to the Sanskrit Visva Pari$ad at Somnath and published in
Bharatiya Vidya 1952.

5. Paper for AIOC at Lucknow 1951, published B.UJ. 1952.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

▼ i

point of philosophical importance on the basis of the Upani$ads and
that has obviously influenced me in undertaking studies in various
fields. Thus besides the paper on the Apr! hymns, referred to above,
in two other papers written earlier (1) Contemporary life as revealed
in the works of Bana 6 and (2) The role of the Gita in life, 7 I have
followed the same method of understanding a work primarily on the
basis of the internal evidence and making every remark on the
basis of the statements available in the work concerned. It is thus
that the caption ‘namulam likhyate kincit’ (Mallinatha) was signi¬
ficantly chosen for the paper on Bana, which is equally applicable to
the present work as well. It will be seen that all the inferences
regarding the sacrifice have been drawn on the basis of the hymns
of the Rgveda, though there can be a difference of opinion regarding
some of them. Though some of the conclusions thus arrived at may
not appear to be quite definite, this line of investigation has its own
merits. It may further be noted that in drawing the inferences from
the statements in a work, sympathetic imagination has always got a
role to play. It will be for scholars to judge how far I have been able
to employ it successfully in my work.

After a close contact with the study of the Rgveda for the pur¬
poses of teaching or otherwise for more than twenty years, I have a
feeing that I know something about the spirit of the Rgveda and it is
mainly under that inspiration that I have been prompted to under¬
take this study. I have had a very clear conscience of having under¬
taken and executed my job with perfect sincerity and honesty of
purpose. Self-satisfaction is however no satisfaction as indicated
by Kalidasa in introducing the Sakuntala (v.2 ‘a parito$ad vidu$am
na sadhu manye. .. .) and hence in the words of the Kavikulaguru
himself, I may place these results before the world of scholars, viz.,
‘tam santah srotumarhanti sadasadvyakti-hetavah’ (Raghu, I. 10).

I have to perform a very pleasant duty of placing on record my
sincere thanks to various individuals and institutions who have been
of help to me directly or indirectly in the course of the progress of
my work, right upto its publication.

The work is seeing the light of the day so early because of the
fact that the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan has undertaken its publication.
My sincere thanks are due to the Bhavan and particularly its Hon.
Registrar Prof. J. H. Dave, who has shown very keen interest in the
results achieved herein and consequently taken an initiative in
undertaking its publication.

8. Awarded the V. N. Mandlik Gold Medal and Prize by the Bombay University
1939; published in the B.U.J. 1942-44.

7. Awarded the T. Munshi Gold Medal by the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan in 1948;
published in the Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. X, 1949.

PREFACE

vii

My thanks are also due to all the scholars whose works I have
had the privilege of referring to and who have enlightened me and
occasionally spurred me on in my work. All the scholar friends
whom I had an occasion to talk to about the plan of the present work,
have shown very keen interest in it and this has also helped me in
pursuing my work enthusiastically. For going through a portion of
the Mss., I have to thank (1) Prof. H. D. Velankar, Joint Director,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, (2) Prof. R. P. Kangle, Professor of Sankrit,
Elphinstone College and (3) Prof. K. R. Mahishi, my colleague at the
Ismail College. Dr. Balse of the Elphinstone College has been kind
enough to translate a portion from Prof. Renou’s book, which was
kindly lent by Dr. S. M. Katre, Director, Deccan College Post-
Graduate and Research Institute, Poona. Four of my students at the
Karnatak College, Dharwar have been of some help to me in one
way or the other in the course of the publication of this work. My
best wishes go to them as they have done their bit out of a sense of
duty. They are (1) Miss T. S. Kulkarni, M.A., (2) B. R. Modak, M.A.,
(3) Shri N. G. Kulkarni, B.A., (Hons.) and (4) Shri S. H. Ritti, M.A.
Shri Ritti has helped me in reading through the Mss., attending the
press, correcting the proofs and if it were not for his vigilant eye that
many a slip would have crept into the work. The compilation of
indices has been mainly his work.

I have done most of my work in the inspiring atmosphere of the
Bombay University Library, whose authorities and staff I have to
thank for extending to me all facilities required for my work.

I should also thank the management and the staff of the Asso¬
ciated Advertisers and Printers, Ltd. for the excellent cooperation
extended by them in getting the work ready in time.

D/5, Sharadashram,
Bombay 28.
Vijayadasami,

17th October 1953.

K. R. POTDAR.

CONTENTS

Page

List of Abbreviations x

Chapter

I. Dik§a—Initiatory remarks .. . . .. 1

II. Hymns and the Sacrifice . . 18

III. Gods and the Sacrifice . . . . .. . . 89

IV. The Scene of the Sacrifice .. .. . . 63

V. Offerings in the Sacrifice . . 95

VI. The Types of the Rgvedic Sacrifice 123

VII. The Role of the Priests in the Sacrifice . . . . 138

VIII. Contribution of the Patrons to the Growth of the

Sacrifice .. ^. .. .. .. .. 169

IX. Reactions to the Growth of the Sacrifice 194

X. Mystical Element in the Rgvedic Sacrifice .. 207

XI. Predominantly Sacrificial Hymns . . . . 222

XII. Sacrificial Similes . . . . . . 248

XIII. Influence of the Sacrifice on the Social Organism

and Ideas about Religion, Ethics and Philosophy . . 269

XIV. Origin and Growth of the Conception of the

Sacrifice .. . . . . 279

XV. Avabhj-tha—Concluding Remarks . . . . 291

Index of Important Passages . . 293

General Index .. .. . . . . 296

Bibliography .. . . . . 299

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AB — Aitareya Brahmana.

ABI — Aitareya Brahmana Introduction.

ABORI — Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.
AHR — Aprl Hymns in the Rgveda: a study and a theory.

AlOC — All India Oriental Conference.

Anuk. — Sarvanukramani of the Rgveda.

ASL — Ancient Sanskrit Literature.

Ath. — Atharvaveda.

B.U.J. —- Bombay University Journal.

Bphad — Brhaddevata.

B.V. — Bharatiya Vidya.

ERE — Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.

ERP — Essays on the Religion of the Parsis.

HIL — History of Indian Literature.

HRG — Hymns of the Rgveda (Translation) by Griffith.

HSL — History of Sanskrit Literature—Vedic Period.

JBBRAS — Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society.

T.F. V — Les Ecoles Vediques et La formation du Veda.

Ni — Nirukta of Yaska.

PAIOC — Proceedings of the All India Orieital Conference.

Raghu — Raghuvamsa.

RBV — Rgvedantila BhaktimSrga.

RGL — Role of the Gita in life.

Rgveda — Der Rgveda.

RIH — Religions of India—Hopkins.

RLH — Rituall Litteratur—Hillebrandt.

RPV — Religion and Philosophy of the Veda.

RRB — Rgveda Repetitions—Bloomfield.

RRG — The Religion of the Rgveda—Griswold.

Rv — Rgveda-Samhita.

RVB — The Religion of the Veda—Bloomfield.

RVL — Religion in Vedic Literature.

RVO — Religion des Veda—Oldenberg.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

S. — Sakuntala.

Sam — Samaveda sarhhita.

Say — Sayanacarya.

SRL — Sanskrit Reader—Lanmann.

U. R. —- Uttararamacarita.

V. H. — Vedic Hymns—S. B. E. Series.

V.I. — Vedic Index.

Ved. Stu. — Vedische Studien.

Vel. — Indra Hymns (translated) Velankar.
VMH — Vedische Mythologie—Hillebrandt.
VMM — Vedic Mythology—Maedonell.

Vs — Vajasaneyi Samhita.

Wort — Worierbuch zum Rgveda.

Chapter One

DlKSA—INITIATORY REMARKS

WZJ ^4 ITJ-TT^P^T I (HV. Vt. 75-19)

i (uv. x. 134-7)

SYNOPSIS :—

Circumstances characterizing the beginning and evolution of sacrifice cannot be
fully known for want of the necessary evidence—sacrifice in the Brahmanas and the
Srauta literature in its advanced stage—-later growth in theoretical aspect—differ¬
ence in the relationship between the Brahmanas and the Srauta literature, as well
as, between the Rgveda and the Brahmana literature—reason—a broad analogy—
impossibility of filling up the chronological gap, which must have affected the growth
of the idea—gap even in the stratas of the hymns in the Rgveda indicated—chrono¬
logical fallacy to judge the Rgvedic sacrifice from the Brahmana literature—
emphasis on mythology while writing about religion—relation between the mytho¬
logical and sacrificial ideas indicated--mythology and sacrifice, two aspects of
religion—Views of scholars—Max Muller granting historical and literary character
of the Rgveda and the chronological gap but applying Brahmana ritual to Apr!
hymns—Dr. M. Haug considering RV. collection to be more mythological in charac¬
ter--attempting to show the ritual to be the same as in the Brahmanas or remain¬
ing unchanged for more than two thousand years—Bloomfield’s view—Prof. A. A.
Macdonell—magic character of Rgvedic sacrifice—for want of evidence believes
the ritual to be the same as that in the Brahmanas—C. V. Vaidya agreeing with
Macdonell—Griswold making some superficial observations—Dr. Keith accepting in
part Macdonell’s view'—Ritual similarities with Avesta indicated as not very signi¬
ficant for the same reason—Keith disagreeing with Haug regarding the animal
sacrifice—believes the ritual of the Rgveda to be considerably elaborate—Dr. P. S.
Deshmukh criticising the magical basis of the Rgvedic religion—agrees with
Macdonell and Keith regarding the developed form of the ritual for want of sufficient
evidence—

Prof. Renou’s view about the ritualistic version of the Rksamhila—views of
Oldenberg, Bergaigne and Hillebrandt indicated—similarities in ritual possibly due
to adaptation—in general, considers the ritual of the Sutras to be different from
that of the Rgveda—reference to the view of Barth regarding the Apri hymns—

Points of vital importance for the consideration of tiie present problem indi¬
cated—two reasons for the divergence of the views of different scholars—vague
idea about the continuity of the ritual—pointed as incorrect—hymns characterized
by a freshness—Bloomfield's view regarding the hymns being meant for sacrifice
criticized—basic idea in hymns to propitiate the divinity—simplicity of ritual at an
earlier stage accepted—gradual growth not generally appreciated—mechanical per¬
formance and genuine poetry incompatible with each other—genuine poetry made
to serve the cause of sacrifice—relative position indicated by a metaphor—for want
of other contemporary evidence, the hymns, the only reliable evidence—method
indicated—analysis of all the data regarding the sacrifice—an inherent shortcoming
—still the validity of the present evidence indicated—restriction of scope to the
hymns of the Rgveda—its advantage—comparison with later lilerature for later
development—topics under which the present problem is discussed.

s.it

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

The circumstances that characterized the beginning of the
institution of sacrifice in the ancient Aryan society and the forces
that combined to evolve it through well-marked stages must, to some
extent, remain a secret, that cannot be completely probed into for
want of all the necessary evidence, which for obvious reasons, can
never become available to us. The available evidence is recorded
in the literary monuments of the earliest period viz., the so-called
Sruti and its accessory literature. The sacrifice elaborately discussed
in the Brahmana literature, finds further elaboration and supplemen¬
tation in the Srauta and the grhya literature. This, combined with
the bias of theoretical discussion, attained its climax in the evolution
of a system of thought, popularly known as the Purva-Mimamsa
system. Thus it is in the light of the theory and practice of sacrifice
as found in this vast literature that different scholars have described
the so-called vedic sacrifice.

It is true that the system of sacrifice attained such rigidity in
its practical aspect in the days of the Brahmanas, that it was not
likely to undergo any further change in the centuries that followed.
It was so for the obvious reason that its fruitfulness was linked up
with its rigid performance and it was mainly for this reason that
the system has developed in its theoretical aspect in the later days.
But what is true of the relationship of the Brahmana literature on
the one hand and the later Srauta literature on the other, cannot
necessarily be true about the hymns of the Rgveda on the one hand
and the Brahmana literature on the other. Because, the divine origin
of the Mantra and Brahmana literature is a later conception, which
compelled the later writers to abide by every single syllable of the
Srutis, while the authors of the Brahmanas were not so bound by the
wording of the Rgveda. As far as the Rgveda is concerned, the
authors talk of ‘carving out’ the hymns (1.61.4, 1.171.2, V.2.11, etc.).
Hence, though we can draw fairly valid inferences about the sacrifices
in the days of the Brahmanas from the material preserved in the
later Srauta literature, the same cannot be held true about the sacri¬
fices in the days of the hymns of the Rgveda from the material
preserved in the Brahmana literature, which was apparently sepa¬
rated from the date of the composition of the Rgvedic hymns by
several centuries. This is because the sacrifice can be noticed to be
undergoing evolution in the hymns of the Rgveda, while it has
attained its full growth in the days of the Brahmanas. This can be
further inferred from the description of different sacrificial rites in
the different Brahmana works, a comparative study of which will
reveal the fact that the varying traditions are sought to be brought
in a line, with differences ironed out and the whole presented as a
smoothened and polished fabric. 1 Employing a broad analogy, it

1. Cf. V.M.H. Vol. Ill, pp. 211, 297, 322, where he is trying to point out how the
Srauta literature came to be codified and forwards his theory (p. 298) viz.

DlK§A—INITIATORY REMARKS

can be said that what Panini’s Grammar (Asfadhyayi) did for the
Sanskrit language, the Brahmana literature has done for the sacrifice
in the Rgveda. Continuing the analogy, it will be true to say that
just as Panini’s grammar takes into account the language as it was
known in his days, so also does the Brahmana literature discuss the
sacrifice as it was known in its days. Even granting some scope for
a broad tradition, it will have to be admitted that the Brahmanas
are chronologically so much separated from the hymns of the Rgveda,
that the sacrifice cannot be believed to have remained at a standstill
during the long period that elapsed between the earliest compositions
of the hymns and the earliest Brahmana literature describing the
sacrifice. This chronological gap cannot be filled by any stretch
of imagination to whatever extent one may attempt to do so. Even
the composition and collection of hymns have spread over such a
long stretch of time, that the hymns have started becoming unintelli¬
gible at places, even to those people, who have grown in that tradition.
Thus the author of X.71, saying that a number of people cannot
perceive the meaning (v.4 uta tvah pasyanna dadarsa vacam, uta
tvah srnvanna Srnotyenam), refers to a limited few, who could under¬
stand the same (uta tvasmai tanvam visasre). They appear to be
the persons, who were actively connected with the sacrifice as
suggested at x. 71-3 (yajiiena vacah padaviyamayan). The statement
is interesting inasmuch as it refers to a stage, where the hymns
could be understood only through association with the sacrificial
performances, whereas in the early stages, the sacrifice must have
grown with the help of these hymns (cf. Chapter II). Thus, when
the stretch of time is so long, it can be realised that the ideas in
general must have been undergoing a change, consequent upon the
change in the social structure, ushered in by the course of time in
addition to various other factors. As the hymns have passed through
various stages 2 in the course of their composition and compilation,
the same inference about the sacrifice so intimately associated with
them, becomes quite inevitable.

In fact, it must be said with special emphasis that it will be a
‘chronological fallacy’ to draw inferences about the Rgvedic sacrifice
from the evidence of the Brahmana literature. When ideas about
social relationship, religion and philosophy have to be understood
as growing through the different periods of the Rgveda and the
Brahmana literature, it cannot be justifiably said that the ideas about

Srauta ritual is a compromise, an artificial product of a number of usages
previously existing.

2. This can be evident from the arrangement of the hymns in the family Mandates
in the descending order, breach of the descending order at the end of the
group, the family R§i hymns occuring in the other Mandalas (see chapter VII),
their non-inclusion in the family mandalas, separation of Soma hymns in the
9th Mandate and still the occurrence of some ‘Soma’ hymns in the other
Mandalas, symmetrically exact number of hymns in the first and the tenth
Mandalas and the literary principle underlying the collection.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

sacrifice have remained the same without undergoing any change
whatsoever during the days of the hymns as well as after.

A large number of scholars have written about the religious
and mythological conceptions of the Aryans as revealed in the hymns
of the Rgveda. Mythological and religious speculations have natu¬
rally become a fascinating study on account of the evolution of the
science of Comparative Mythology and Religion, which attracted
various scholars to write about the allied topics of Mythology and
Religion. It is true that the religious ideas were dominated by
mythological speculations and as such have come to be discussed
with right emphasis. But sacrifice—the connecting link between
the two—has not received the attention it deserved. It can be
realised that sacrifice must have influenced the growth of the mytho¬
logical and religious speculations of the time. The idea and practice
of sacrifice cannot be understood as evolving in an isolated sphere,
disconnected from the field of mythological and religious ideas. In
a way the mythology of the Rgveda can be said to be the theoretical
aspect of the Rgvedic religion, while sacrifice to be the practical aspect
of the same. Therefore a correct evaluation of the religious ideas
cannot possibly be arrived at unless adequate consideration is given
to both the theoretical and practical aspects—the mythology and
the sacrifice. 3 Without proper appreciation of the sacrifice in the
Rgveda, the exposition of the religion of the Rgveda can only be a
half-truth. That is precisely what we come across in the majority
of works on the subject, which contain mainly the treatment of
mythology with some scrappy remarks about the sacrifice.

Even among the scholars, who have written in some detail on
the subject of sacrifice, one comes across a wide divergence of opinions,
caused by a bewildering variety of reasons.

Thus Max-Muller, discussing some of the sacrificial hymns and
the mention of the names of priests in the Rgveda 4 remarks (p. 259),
“Passages like these do not necessitate, the admission of a full-grown
ceremonial, they only point to its natural beginnings.” Writing
about III.28 he says, “it would hardly have been written except by
some pious priests, brought up under the system of Brahmanic
ceremonial” (p. 260). In a general way he admits the chronological
gap between the Rgveda Samhita and the Brahmana literature
(p. 243). “It belongs to a period previous to the complete ascendancy
of the Brahmanas; it was finished before the threefold ceremonial
had been worked out in all its details.” 5 About a large majority of

3. ERE, Vol. XII, p. 601. Macdonell “Religion means on the one hand the beliefs
entertained by men regarding the divine or supernatural powers and on the

other, that sense of dependence on those powers which is expressed . by

act in the form of ritual and sacrifice”; RVL—Deshmukh p. 18.

4. ASL, pp. 246-262

5. Cf. also p. 252. “We may therefore . not completely enslaved by a system

of mere formalities.”

DiK?A—INITIATORY REMARKS

hymns in the Rgvedic collection, he says, (p. 247) “Not only is the
order of the hymns completely independent of the order of the sacri¬
fices, but there are numerous hymns in our collection, which could
never have been used at any sacrifice” and “The Rgveda is not a
Veda for the Hotr priest, in the same sense, in which the Saman
and the Yajurvedas are for the Udgatr and the Adhvaryu priests.”
Writing about the AprI hymns however, he prefers to agree with
their employment according to the Brahmanas and say that, (p. 245)
“AprI hymn is a hymn, which had to be recited by the Hotr priest,
previous to the immolation of certain victims,” 6 without assigning
any convincing reason for doing so.

Dr. M. Haug 7 remarks, “It took, no doubt, many centuries
before the endless number of rites and ceremonies and their bewilder¬
ing complications could form themselves into such a system of
sacrificial rules as we find already exhibited in the Brahmanas”, but
maintains that even in the days of the Rgveda, “not only the whole
of ‘Kalpa’ was settled, save some minor points, but even the symbo¬
lical and mystical meanings of the majority of rites”. Thus accord¬
ing to him the Brahmanical sacrifices were already developed and
almost complete at the time of the composition of the hymns of the
Rgveda and that the hymns “presuppose a settled ritual” (p. 9). 8
On the analogy of the Avesta 9 apparently, he has presumed that the
number of the priests in the beginning must have been two and that
the earlier performance was of a simple animal or soma sacrifice
(p. 13). This appears to have been necessitated by his other assump¬
tion that the Asvamedha hymn (I. 162) belongs to the early period
of sacrifice (p. 23). His attempt to prove it is based on the specious
ground that, “we find religious poetry precede the profane songs
in the history of poetry” (p. 29). All sacrificial hymns may not be
late hymns as he contends but that does not necessarily justify his
inference about the very early character of the Asvamedha hymn
nor about the ritual of the Brahmanas being ‘settled’ at the time of
the Rgveda.

It is interesting to observe him say that “the first sacrifices were
no doubt very simple” (p. 30) and that “at the most ancient times,
it appears that all the sacrificial formulas were spoken by the Hotr
alone” (p. 31) but at the same time maintain (p. 31) that “the ritual
which appears to have been in force for the last three thousand
years without undergoing any considerable change” and that (p. 36)
“the ritual of the Brahmanas in its main features was almost com-

6. Cf. Potdar—“AprI hymns”, (B.U.J. 1945).

7. ABI 1863. p. 7.

8. The same point is differently stated at pp. 11, 12, 47.

9. ERP—Haug. pp. 267-86.

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

plete at the time when the principle Il$is such as the Kanva ....
lived”. 10

This presumption has led him to postulate that “There can
hardly be any doubt that the oldest hymns we possess are purely
sacrificial and made only for sacrificial purposes” and that “those
which express more general ideas or philosophical thoughts ....
are comparatively late” (p. 39).

Wrong premises regarding the relationship between the Rgvedic
hymns and the Brahmanical sacrifice have seriously jeopardised the
validity of his conclusions in spite of all the elaborate and scholarly
discussions which clearly bear the stamp of his deep study.

Bloomfield 11 has made some significant statements about the
sacrifice in the Rgveda in a very general way without adducing
much evidence for the same. Thus he remarks (p. 182) “Sacrifice
with its ceremonial formalities is the epidermis of the Vedic Reli¬
gion.” At another place (p. 65), he says, “Sacrifice is the dominant
note of Vedic life”; or (p. 31) “The Rgveda presupposes a tolerably
elaborate and not uninteresting ritual.”

He thinks that the ritual of the Rgveda is different from that
of the other Vedas and the Brahmanas (p. 75). “The Rgveda begins
with a form of worship, neither as extensive nor as formal and rigid
as the technical ritual of the Yajurveda and the Brahmanas.” Writing
about the Apr! hymns he says, “If we had before us the ritual prac¬
tices, which accompanied the Rgvedic hymns at the time of their
composition, the Rgveda would lose much of obscurity.” 12

He discusses some of the verbal similarities with the Avesta
and, in general, recognises the importance of dealing with the sacri¬
fice in the discussion of religion. But as he believes the Rgvedic
collection to be largely mythological in character, 13 it appears that
he does not expect the Rgvedic hymns to give much information
regarding the sacrifice and hence has emphasized the ‘mythology’
aspect of religion in his book, though recognising the importance
of the sacrifice for the discussion of religion.

Macdonell has written at length on the topic of the Sacrifice
in the Rgveda. 14 Assuming the Itgveda ritual to be the same as
the Brahmana ritual, he says, “The ritual which the hymns of the
Itgveda were intended to accompany and which is fully described
in the other Vedic texts, is, though carried out by sacrificial priests,
from beginning to end saturated with magical observances.” (p. 312).

10. Cf. also p. 47. “The whole ritual . complete”.

11. The Re ligion of the Veda 1908.

12. Rgveda Repetitions, Vol. I, p. 18.

13. Introduction p. iv and 81. “In its essence, the Rgveda is not liturgy, but

mythology.”

14. ERE, Vol VIII, pp. 311-321. Vol. XII, pp. 610-612. For discussion of his views

on magic cf. Chapter X below.

DiKSA—INITIATORY REMARKS

His view regarding the Vedic sacrifice being magical in character
is apparently based on some of the tendencies displayed in the Brah¬
manas. What Dr. Deshmukh 15 says of Oldenberg is also true of
Macdonell, viz., that he fails to make a clear distinction between the
period of the Rgveda Sarhhita and that of the other Samhitas and
the Brahmanas. This would be obvious from what he says at (ERE
XII p. 613), “Our knowledge of the recurrent sacrifices is derived
from the ritual literature, for there are only few and obscure traces
of them in the hymns of the Rgveda, which is almost exclusively
concerned with the soma sacrifice. It is however probable that they
were performed at least in their main features during the earliest
Vedic period.” Thus he believes that the Rgvedic hymns cannot
give any idea of the sacrifice and as such feels that the later sacrificial
literature gives almost correctly the idea of the sacrifice in the Rgveda.

Among those, who agree with Macdonell in holding tnis view
can be mentioned C. V. Vaidya 16 and Griswold 17 who says, “The
ritual of the Brahmanas was clearly continuous with that of the
Rgveda” (p. 336). M. Winternitz refers 18 to the two extreme views
in this regard, Kaegi 19 holding that the Rgvedic hymns are mainly
poetical and Oldenberg 20 holding that they are ritualistic in
character.

Keith 21 accepts the latter point in Macdonell’s view as he
remarks, “The imperfection of the record of the Rgveda renders it
necessary in any account of the Vedic ritual, to. deal with the ritual,
as it stands in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.” He discusses
similarities in the ritual terms of the Itgveda and the Avesta 22 and
regarding the nature of the ritual in the Rgveda, concludes, “The
question of the primitive sacrifice is clearly insoluble since among
certain similarities, there are great differences of view” Ip. 40).

It is true in a great measure that inferences about the ritual
practices in the Rgveda cannot be drawn on the evidence of Avesta
to any reliable extent, for the same reason as the Brahmanas cannot
become adequate guides for the Rgvedic ritual viz. the chronological
gap that separates the two and the possibility of the consequent
changes in the ritual performances. He however appears to realise
in a general way, what Roth and Max Muller have referred to as
historical character of the Rgveda collection. It presumes, as Max
Muller has pointed out, the chronological priority of the Rgveda
Sarhhita cf. (p. 15). “We find, indeed, once more that only as a

15. RVL, p. 57.

16. HSL, I, p. 144.

17. RRG, p. 336, 337.

18. HIL, Vol I, p. 72

19. Rgveda—Kaegi.

20. RVO, p. 3.

21. RPV, p. 256.

22. P. 34-35.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

historical rather than a liturgical collection is the condition of the
iRgveda logically explicable.”

Unlike Haug, he thinks that the animal sacrifice must have been
later and that it is not at all prominent in the Rgvedic collection
cf. (p. 13): “The collectors of the hymns in the main were inte¬
rested in the Soma ritual and the great majority of the hymns deal
with some form or the other of that rite; the animal sacrifice is hardly
noticed, save in the case of the most important and rare Asvamedha
sacrifice.”

Thus even though he believes the earlier sacrifice to be a
simpler one, the mention of a number of priests at places, has led
him to conclude (p. 16) “Already in the Rgveda, there are signs of
considerable elaboration of ritual and of the employment of a num¬
ber of priests at the sacrifice.”

Dr. P. S. Deshmukh 23 has discussed in detail the question of
the basis of the Rgvedic religion in general. Regarding the nature
of sacrifice in the Rgveda, 24 he appears to agree with Prof. Macdonell
when he remarks, (p. 339) “The Rgveda itself supplies us with
scanty information of the actual forms of sacrifice current in that
period. It is however very probable that the various forms of the
Soma sacrifices of the later times, together with the production and
the establishing of fires (Agnyadhana) .... were known.”

After referring to various words and places where points of
sacrificial importance are mentioned, he arrives at the conclusion
of a developed form of sacrifice in the days of the Rgveda, agreeing
with Keith, whom he quotes (p. 341) “The specialisation of the
ritual is as old as the Indo-Iranian period.”

His discussion about the basis of the religion in general including
the ritual practices is quite significant. Referring to the view of
Oldenberg, 25 regarding the existence of magic in the Indian tradition
as India cannot be an exception, he says that it is “an anthropological
fallacy” to say so and points out the one great drawback of Olden¬
berg: (pp. 57-58) “Oldenberg fails to make a clear distinction
between the period of the Rgveda and the later Samhitas and the
Brahmanas. If the distinction is not made, it may be true to say
that the Vedic ritual is overgrown with magical practices.” Thus
he appears to have realised that the non-appreciation of the chrono¬
logical gap between the Rgveda Samhita, the Brahmana and the
other Srauta works is apt to lead to wrong conclusions regarding
the nature of the idea of religion in the Rgveda; still, he does not
appear to be indicating the necessity of applying the same principle
to determine the nature of the sacrifice in the Rgveda.

23. Religion in Vedic Literature 1933.

24. Op. cit. 339-343.

25. Die Religion des Veda p. 476 IT.

DIK§A—INITIATORY REMARKS

He does not apparently agree with the view of Keith who
believes that we need not make much of the chronological distinc¬
tion, 20 as in a general way “the literature of the Vedic period, shows
emphatically no break of any kind in culture” (p. 12); still he accepts
the view of Keith regarding the developed nature of sacrifice as seen
above. 27

It is clear therefore that mainly because of the want of sufficient
data, regarding the nature of the sacrifice in the Rgveda, he has
adopted the general conclusions regarding the nature of sacrifice as
stated by Dr. Keith. His conclusions, regarding the basic facts about
the Rgvedic religion, are quite significant. 28

Professor L. Renou, discussing the possibility of the existence of
the ritualistic version of the Rksarhhita 29 as contemporaneous if not
anterior to the present Samhita, makes the following observations:

(pp. 3-4) “When the Rksainhita was collected or at least when
its elements were formed, there neither existed the Yajus nor the
Sama collections. This collection, which appears at first sight, an
anthology of hymns, without definite value, was in itself its own
Samaveda and in some measure, its own Yajurveda (cf. for similar
remarks, Oldenberg; ZDMG XXXVIII p. 441). He further refers
to the views of Bergaigne fp. 6), who “developing some ideas of
Ludwig, thought that one would be able to explain vast groups of
hymns as a function of some subsequent ritual.” Oldenberg had
also started to do so simultaneously (ZDMG XLII). However the
more recent researches of Oldenberg (Noten III-26, 28,52; ZDMG
LXXI p. 323) and Geldner have preserved only a part of these
concordances. Bergaigne (J. as 1889; p. 15) has referred to some
Sastras in Gayatri in the Rgveda. Prof. Renou however does not
agree with this view as he remarks (p. 4) “The Rksamhita is in no
way reducible to Yajurvedic literature, if for nothing else, than by
the total absence of Yajus and of related forms. In other words,
with its historical or literary character, it could not lend itself
directly to the practice of the worship unless we admit religious
habits, quite different from those, which distinguish Vedism.”

He criticizes the view by pointing out (p. 5) “It is clear in fact
that the sequence of the nuptial or funeral prayers is partly arbitrary
and that the modifications, introduced in it by the treatises are
justified by the experience of the ceremonial. But it has not at all
followed from that, that these treatises, have in some way before
them, a samhita, arranged for the completion of the ceremonies in
the same manner as the Yajus Samhita .... What was possible

26. RPV, pp. 252-56.

27 For his view regarding some hymns being non-ritualistic. Cf. RVL, p. 332 and
Chapter XI below.

28. RVL, p. 45; for quite the contrary view, cf. Macdonell: ERE, Vol. VIII, p. 313.

29. Les Ecoles Vediques—Renou.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

in the tradition of the Yajus, in which one had to deal with the
disconnected formulae, was not at all necessary in the Rksamhita,
where the hymns, with strong structures prevailed. If it had
accredited itself to a ritual recension, what need one would have
had, for maintaining parallely a literary Samhita? And why should
the former have disappeared when the liturgic collection (viz. the
Brahmana literature) has been faithfully preserved? In short,
there might have been an oral cadre of those hymns, sometimes
strongly differentiated, but no recension. It is not by chance that
the applications are particularly precise for the tenth Mandala, for
the Appendix and the Khila hymns. It is the sign of a kind of ritual
intrusion, a new anxiety for paring which was very far from the
thought of the Rsis.”

Then further pointing out that the question is connected with
the ritual contemporaneous with the Rksamhita, he refers to the
view of Bergaigne, who tried to explain the hymns of the Rgveda
as exponent of the subsequent ritual, that of Hillebrandt, who ex¬
pounds the notion of the “Lost ritual” 30 (“Ritual Perdu”), as also
of Barth (OEuvres I. p. 367), who says, “The liturgy of the ritual
works is no longer the liturgy of the hymns. This is a great fact
that dominates all the resemblances of details.”

Then proceeding to explain some ritual similarities between
the Rgvedic hymns and the Brahmanical rites, which have been
considered to be grounds for proving the agreement between the
Brahmanic and Rgvedic ritual by a number of scholars like Haug,
Hillebrandt 31 and Oldenberg, he remarks, “The agreement between
the formula and the rite is placed at a very high value by the Vedic
authors (cf. A.B. I. 1. 4. 9). However we observe that this agreement
can result from an adaptation. It has been admitted for the Sautra-
mani rite (RV Noten-III. 26 Oldenberg) and even in those cases,
where the hymns exactly adhere to the rite, this adhesion has been
able to replace another quite different as Hertel 32 has tried to
demonstrate for disputable purposes, it is true with regard to the
Apri hymns, which the classical theory comprehends with doubtful
legitimacy in the Prayajas of the animal sacrifice. As Barth writes,
(II. p. 12n) “It is extremely doubtful whether the verses of such
and such an ancient hymn have been composed to serve as the Yajyas
and the Anuvakyas to the Agnisomiya Pasu, which later on is an
integral part of every Soma sacrifice.”

30. RLH. p. 11. “A satisfactory solution of the oldest ritual cannot yet be given.

This is so as the words like sunvat, pacat etc. descriptive of the priestly func¬
tions are there-and in general a developed ritual_” Cf. also VMH, Vol. I,

p. 469, Vol. II, p. 201. RPV, p. 252.

31. Vol. I, p. 259, where he points out how the order of deities in
Rv. I. 2, 3, 23, 135-36, II. 41 is the same as the one in which offerings are made
to them in the later ritual.

32. Neujahrsopfer, p, 42.

DiK$A—INITIATORY REMARKS

The link between the formulae and the rite is of a variable
nature. It is precise in the magic traditions, even in those cases
where it appears absurd to us 33 and in the Gfhya tradition allied to it.
It is less so in the solemn worship, where the magical motives do
not intervene consciously, if the Yajus is sufficiently visibly con¬
structed for a precise act, the Mantra so called, whatever be its
origin, has often with the act, only a loose and naively formal link.”

Agreeing substantially with the views referred to, Prof. Renou
broadly generalises, (p. 7) “It is in fact a question of principle. It
is impossible to imagine to take for basis the theory of the Sutra,
a ritual which coincides with the Samhita. Besides the fact that
this latter is concerned mainly with the soma sacrifice in its elemen¬
tary aspects, nothing resembles less the disorderly fragmentation of
the formulae attested by a descriptive prose, than the majority of
the hymns, unity of which is marked by a system of metrical and
phonetic signs. Everything happens as if the hymns had been com¬
posed to serve as oratorical introductions to a ceremony at which
they presided without forming part of them. 34 Recited in course
of literary conceptions, they are connected with a worship, by the
environment in which they are placed, rather than by the technical
application to which they give rise. It is from this point of view
that one can say without any paradox that the Rgveda is external
to the Vedic worship.”

Thus even though broadly recognising the inherent difference
between the ritual of the Rgvedic hymns and that of the Brahmanas,
Prof. Renou prefers to make a safe statement, “The ritual that we
possess has been, if not conceived, at least written out at a posterior
date.” (p. 35).

It will thus be observed that there is considerable divergence
of opinion regarding the following points connected with the present
problem of the Sacrifice in the Rgveda.

(1) Importance of realising the existence of the chronological
gap between the Rgveda Sarhhita and the later ritual literature and
the consequential difference in the ritual of the two; the relation
between the two stages of the ritual.

(2) Simplicity of the early ritual and the extent of its growth
in the Rgvedic period.

(3) Existence of stages in the growth of the sacrifice during the
period of the composition of the hymns of the Rgveda.

(4) Connection between the flgvedic hymns and the Sacrifice.

(5) Basic idea underlying the sacrifice.

33. Edgerton: Volume to Prof. Thomas p. 78.

34. Ved. Stu. Vol. II, p. 152. Geldner.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(6) Material for deductions regarding the nature and influence
of the sacrifice in the days of the Rgveda.

While pointing out this variety of views above, it is indicated
that this divergence is the outcome partly, of the fact that in a general
way, one likes to believe that as the Brahmanas employ the hymns
of the Rgveda in their ritual, they must have been referring to the
ritual, which must have been known to them by tradition right from
the days of the Rgveda. This inference is supported to some extent
by the fact that the Sutra literature, continues to discuss and sup¬
plement the ritual of the Brahmanas according to the traditions of
the schools to which they belong. It is however necessary to appre¬
ciate the fallacy underlying this presumption. As indicated above,
the divine origin and the consequent authoritativeness of the Mantra
and the Brahmana literature was the one point common to all schools
of Vedic study that developed in course of time. It was however
not so in the case of the Brahmanas, the authors of which, were not
conscious of any such privileged position, enjoyed by the hymns of
the Rgveda. There was therefore not the least likelihood of their
scrupulously following everything laid down in the hymns of the
Rgveda. On the contrary, the very haphazard and arbitrary employ¬
ment of the Rgvedic hymns and their portions in the ritual of the
Brahmanas would give an impression that the authors were looking
upon the hymns as meant more for their convenience than for any
traditions represented by them. It is out of this tendency ultimately,
that the school of thought represented by Kautsa 35 as referred to by
Yaska came into existence, which even went to the length of believing
that the Mantras were meaningless.

Thus on account of this essential point of difference in the
relationship between the two pairs, (1) the Rgveda and the Brahma¬
nas and (2) the Brahmanas and the Sutras, it cannot be legitimately
concluded that the Brahmanas ought to represent the ritual of the
Rgvedic hymns. There is also another point of vital difference
between the two pairs. It is known that the Sutras were meant for
discussions of sacrificial character as are the Brahmanas to which
they are looking for guidance. The hymns of the Rgveda however
are not known to be essentially sacrificial in their origin. In fact,
it is generally believed that a large number of hymns cannot be
considered to have anything to do with the sacrifice, 36 though
Bloomfield 37 has made some effort to indicate that “it is largely a
collection of the hymns composed by various priest-families for this
important sacrifice” (Soma-sacrifice). 38

35. Ni Vol. I, p. 5. Nirarthaka Mantrah.

36. ASL, p. 247.

37. R.V.B., p. 75.

38. Op. cit. pp. 77-8.

DIKSA—INITIATORY REMARKS

As it will be observed in the following chapter, the available
data about the relation of the hymns with the sacrifice, reveals the
fact that the compositions have maintained a freshness about them,
as they were not very rigidly tagged on to the mechanical practice
of the sacrifice. In the compositions of the hymns, the dominant
idea in the mind of the poet does not appear to be the employment
at a particular sacrificial rite but rather the propitiation of the
divinity. It is with this end in view, he employs all his emotion and
poetical skill to express his feelings towards the divinity to win over
its favourable disposition. In some of the hymns, the idea of their
sacrificial employment may be quite obvious; in others, it may be
transparent; in some others, it may not be present at all. In the
majority of the hymns, however, the thought of propitiation appears
to be quite predominant. With this background of the relationship
of the hymns and the sacrifice in view, it can be said in a general
way that though the hymns have helped the growth of the sacrifice,
they were not necessarily and entirely meant for the sacrifice. 39
It should not however be forgotten that as the hymns and the sacrifice
have been growing in the hands, practically of the same group of
people, one is bound to be, in a general way, reflected in the other,
as we do find to be the case. It is thus that the hymns reflect the
practical approach of the sacrifice, as the sacrifice must have reflected
in it the emotions and the feelings of the hymns. It is however
only by a stretch of imagination that Bloomfield writes, 40 “. . . .
It is sacrifice to gods, treated poetically. In other words, the poems
are incidental to sacrifice.” At the same time, realising that a
number of them could not be, with any reasonable stretch of imagi¬
nation be construed with sacrifice, he has to add, 41 “Even the Rgveda
begins to show most of them in the state of a sort of supernumeraries
on the stage of sacrifice,” and to argue that “we must acknowledge
that never has sacrifice had such genuine poetry to serve it.” It
can be realised that this is putting together two incompatible ideas.
The mechanical performance of a sacrificial rite cannot evoke genuine
poetry. The genuine character of poetry can be preserved so long
as the freshness of approach to divinity and the emotions charac¬
terizing it prevail. Once the form gets the upper hand, genuine
poetry pales into insignificance. 42 In the mechanism of sacrifice,
the hymns have quite a secondary role to play; because therein it
is not the perfection of poetical expression that counts but the per¬
fection in the observance. 43 If we see the phenomenon of ‘genuine
poetry serving the cause of sacrifice’ in the Brahmanas, as Bloomfield
has put it, the truth of the matter is that the poetry ‘is made’ to

39. Cf. L.E.V.—Renou p. 8. “.Rgveda est exterieur an culte vedique”.

40. R.V.B., p. 64.

41. Ibid.

42. Cf. R.V.L., p. 338.

43 ‘Karmasamrddhi’. A.B.

14 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

serve the cause of sacrifice by the authors of the Brahmanas. In
the days of the Rgveda, the poetry has served the purpose of the
propitiation of the divinity even as the sacrifice has done. Using a
metaphor, it can be said that in the days of the Rgveda, the hymns
and the sacrifice were the two horses, drawing the chariot of the
propitiation of the divinities. In the days of the Brahmanas, with
the shifting of the emphasis, the performance of a sacrificial rite
has become a chariot to be drawn by the hymns and the divinities.

Thus though in a sense, it is true to say that the ritual of the
Brahmanas has grown out of the ritual of the Rgveda, it need not
make us presume any large measure of similarity between the two
and that, as indicated above, there is bound to exist a gulf separating
the two rituals, particularly in view of the chronological gap . 44

Another reason, which appears to have led the scholars to hold
such divergent views, is the fact that just as there is ample data
available for describing the sacrifice in the Brahmanas and the Srauta
literature, there is no data available for describing the sacrifice in
the Rgveda. Thus Macdonell has referred to the fact about the
insufficient data, followed by Keith and Deshmukh. Keith 45 was
thus led to argue that for the same reason, sacrifice was to be con¬
sidered as ‘continuous like culture’. To some extent, the idea of Vedic
schools, which came into existence at a subsequent date and which
have helped immensely in the preservation of the texts and their
systematic study over a long stretch of time, have helped the idea
of the continuity and similarity of the rituals to gather strength.
It is therefore necessary to view this point in its proper perspective
to determine how far, the jump from insufficient data to general
perception of similarity is an easy one.

There should be no difficulty in realizing that unless the circum¬
stances were the same, the two rituals could not be alike. But
whereas the Brahmana literature presupposes a pretty stabilised
society, the hymns of the Rgveda do not do so. If the civilization is
evolving as can be noticed from the evidence of the hymns, the
sacrifice also must be expected to evolve in the same way. It cannot
be treated as an isolated phenomenon, whose nature can be deter¬
mined by any vague and arbitrary criterion, unlike other aspects
of civilization.

The history of all social institutions indicates their growth
from simple to complex states and sacrifice can be no exception to it.
As it is recognised by various scholars, some hymns of the Rgveda
apparently indicate a very simple ritual with one priest and it has

44. Cf V.M.H., Vol. II, Introduction p. 8. “.separates the two periods practically

to the same extent as the denouncing of the Devas separates the Avesta from
the Rgveda.” At the same time writing about the ritual (Vol. I. p. 202) that
it would be like that of the Brahmanas.

45. R.P.V. p. 12.

DiKSA—INITIATORY REMARKS

grown pretty complicated in the days of the Brahmanas, indicating
its growth like that of all other social institutions in the course of
time. That sacrifice is a social institution of an ancient origin and
wide influence is indicated even in the Gita . 46

It is for the same reason that the growth of the sacrifice in
different stages has not been perceptibly stressed by scholars, though
it may have been implied by some. Another thing which also appears
to have escaped the notice of the scholars is the fact that the sacrifice
in the Rgveda is the ritual that was contemporaneous with the com¬
position of the Rgveda hymns. During the period of their compila¬
tion into a Samhita, the ritual must have been growing and in fact,
it can be imagined that it is during this period that the mechanical
aspect of the sacrifice began to grow rapidly, till it reached its very
rigid form, in the days of the Brahmanas.

It need not be presumed, as it may be done, that the sacrifice
had long been in existence before the hymns of the Rgveda came
to be written, in order to be able to conclude that the hymns describe
an advanced ritual. In this connection, it may be noted that the
conclusion would have been valid if the order of the collection had
reflected the employment for ritual purposes faithfully as found in
the Brahmanas. It is however not so in the case of the present col¬
lection (samhita), which is apparently, non-ritualistic in its origin.

Thus it will be observed that insufficient data and vague ideas
have led to over-statements regarding the nature of the Rgvedic
sacrifice. It is therefore desirable to fall back on the hymns of the
Rgveda themselves to yield whatever information they can regarding
the nature of the Rgvedic sacrifice as that alone can constitute some
reasonable evidence to base our conclusions upon. This evidence,
as we have indicated above, has got its own limitations, particularly
as all the hymns were not composed for sacrificial employment and
even those which were so composed would not necessarily describe
the full details of that performance. Even so, there is a possibility
of references to certain details of performance occurring in some
of the hymns, where the poets would be looking upon the sacrifice
along with their hymns as a joint means of propitiating the divinity.
The fact of the authors of the hymns, figuring predominantly in the
carrying out of the performances of the ritual, referred to above,
also cannot be lost sight of in this context. Thus when the sacrifice
is growing under the eyes of the composers of the hymns, some
reflection of the same is bound to be seen in their compositions. Just
as the hymns of the Rgveda are the sole guide for having an idea
about the social conditions prevailing at the time, so also they should
be in the case of the sacrifice.

46. ‘Sahayajnah prajah Srstva’ etc. Ill, 10; ‘evam pravartitarii cakram’ III, 16.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Hence it is proposed to analyse the hymns of the Rgveda as
thoroughly as possible to yield all possible information regarding
the Sacrifice in the Rgveda. All words of ritual significance would be
analysed and discussed in their proper context. Expression of ideas
in terms of sacrifice would also play its part in yielding some informa¬
tion. It is thus that the analysis of the sacrificial epithets and
similes would be undertaken.

There is also to be encountered the problem of the relative
chronology of the hymns of the Rgveda which cannot be resolved
with a reasonable amount of certainty. In arriving at conclusions
regarding stages of the growth, therefore, we can arrive at only
approximate truths; but, as certain ideological developments can be
marked easily, the problem need not present any insuperable
obstacle in the way.

Since, chronologically, hymns of the Rgveda, as distinguished
from the remaining Vedic literature constitute one unit and since
it is intended to determine the stage of sacrifice during the period
of the composition of the Rgvedic hymns herein, it is proposed to
restrict the scope of the present work to a full analysis of the material
from the hymns of the Rgveda only. There is no contemporary
evidence, which can be found to support the inferences from the
Rgvedic hymns. It is therefore advantageous in a way to determine
as clearly as possible, the stage of sacrifice reached during the period
of the composition of the Rgvedic hymns. We have the authority
of a Rgvedic poet to fix up the Rgvedic hymns as the right basis to
do so.

X. 134. 7 Na kirdeva mimmasi nakira yopayamasi, Mantra

srutyam caramasi |. atrabhi sarhrabhamahe | 47 Thus it is

strictly the evidence presented by the hymns themselves that we
shall abide by and there would be no deviation therefrom. As it
will be observed in due course, the hymns of the Rgveda have offered
sufficient material to draw relevant conclusions therefrom. With
a metaphor, in the words of another Rgvedic poet, we can say that
the hymns themselves can act as an armour to guard the safety of
the conclusions that they themselves indicate (VI. 75. 19 Brahma
Varma mamantaram [}.

Thus we shall discuss the relationship of the hymns with and
their approach to the sacrifice in the second chapter. Consideration
of the hymns with specific sacrificial importance will be left over
to a subsequent chapter (chapter eleven). Then the relationship
of the gods with the sacrifice and the way in which the people deve¬
loped their idea of gods to play their role in the sacrifice will be

47. Velankar (B.U.J. 1953)“ None of us, oh gods, violates (the dictates of the
mantras); none of us has frustrated (them); We practise the dictates of the
mantras. We cling to you. just here by your sides (and) by your armpits.”

DiK§A—INITIATORY REMARKS

taken into account. In the fourth chapter, the region where the
sacrifices were performed and the scene at the place of sacrifice
with a variety of implements will be described. The fifth chapter
will describe the various offerings that were employed in the per¬
formances and the sixth will describe the types of performances,
referred to in the Rgveda. The seventh and the eighth chapters
will describe the part played by the priests and the patrons in the
development of the sacrifice. The categories of people who tried
to oppose the sacrifice as a growing idea and the nature of their
opposition will be indicated in the ninth chapter. The tenth chapter
will discuss whether magic was the basis of the idea of sacrifice and
indicate the prevalence of a mystical element in the development
of the same. The analysis and classification of sacrificial similes in
the twelfth chapter will indicate how the sacrifice dominated the
thought of the Aryans and also how some light can be thrown on
the nature of the sacrifice thereby. The thirteenth chapter will
point out the influence of the sacrifice on the social structure of the
time, as also on the idea of religion and philosophy. The fourteenth
chapter will attempt the determination of stages, by which the sacri¬
fice has probably grown and the stage to which it has reached during
the period of the composition of the hymns. The last chapter will
take stock of the situation presented and indicate the lines on which
further work, concerning the topic can proceed.

S.H. —‘J

Chapter Two

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

t (Rv. viii-2G-i5)

irw *tpt Fr? ^ irpjr: i (rv-x-os-s)

SYNOPSIS:—

Inextricably connected like the Bija and the Ahkura—Yaska’s classification cannot
suggest much in this regard—two schools of thought—sacrificial hymns separately
discussed—remarks scattered in the Rgveda about this relationship—to be collected,
classified and presented here with comments regarding their significance—essential
as the ritual was growing under the eyes of the poets—view of a poet regarding
the priority of the hymns to the sacrifice—

Standard regarding the compositions for sacrificial purposes laid down—for the
acceptance by the divinities—path for the hymns to be prepared by the divinity—
efficacy of the sacrifice through the hymns aRo stressed—sometimes the deity
coaxed—even the power which comes to the gods through sacrifices, is due to the
hymns—hymns occupying a place of pride in the sacrificial set-up—

Sacrifice is well performed only if associated with good hymns—gods do not
like sacrifice without hymns—unrivalled hymns to different deities referred to—
in fact the burden of the sacrifice said to be borne by the hymns—hymns raising
the standard of the sacrifice—certain hymns said to be surpassing certain others in
ritual efficacy—certain poets on the strength of their hymns, said to be dearer to
the gods—performances with certain hymns said to be better than the others—Indra
asked to compose a new hymn—what the hymns can achieve—all-availing hymn—
even cosmological function attributed to the hymns—leading to the idea of the
Gita in ‘evarh pravartitam cakrarhl etc—

Hymns of sacrificial importance composed on the background of some incidents
—Danastutis—Soma hymns separately collected on account of the predominance
of soma-sacrifice—emphasis on the connection of soma with hymns and sacrifice—
mystically intimate relationship between soma ar.d hymns—hymns receiving tone
under the influence of soma—the reason of it—hymns as garments of soma—to
satisfy the two requirements of the time viz. the hymns must be acceptable to the
deities and that they must have a certain standard or tone—special categories of
hymns came to be recognised and designated—some of them discussed—some
deriving their names from the metres in which they were written—brhatl, tristubh,
gayatra, sakvari gatha and gatha—Gathas and Soma taken by Avesta along with
the soma-ritual—

“Hotra” said to be particularly acceptable in a sacrifice—some hymns of sacri¬
ficial importance designated without any special nomenclature—mystical significance
from the point of view of sacrificial efficacy associated with certain hymns—
AstapadI, on the basis of the number of syllables—yajus, mantra and sama—associa¬
tion of this type with Ahgirasas emphasized—mode of. singing saman hymns referred
to—priests given specific names on the basis of hymns—certain saman hymns of
specific potency mentioned—perhaps the most important type of the sacrificial
hymns—the NIVIDs—different views—Dr. M. Haug on Nivids—were nivids of
brahmanical significance in existence in the days of the Rgvedic hymns?—nivids

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

cannot stand for short formulas as accepted by scholars—passages describing nivids
discussed and explained as suggesting hymns of that name—Brahmanas not explaining
ritual with all the above types, indicating vast difference between the ritual set-up
—hence Haug’s view not acceptable—some general observances.

Sacrifice and hymns are almost as vitally and inextricably
connected with each other and can also be fittingly said to be evolving
out of each other like the renowned ‘Bija and Ahkura’ of the Vedanta
doctrine. In fact it is almost futile to discuss and practically impossi¬
ble to decide as to which of the two was earlier and which was later.
If we could somehow know exactly the circumstances, under which
the first hymn came to be written, it would help us to unravel the
mystery of the first sacrifice.

In a general way, we come across the idea that the hymns give
rise to sacrifice (VIII.69.1c); or conversely that the sacrifice is an
incentive for new hymns (IV.20.10 navye desne saste asmin ta ukthe
prabravama vayamindra etc.). But beyond suggesting their insepa¬
rable mutual relationship, it does not throw much light on the
earlier origin of the one or trie other. Yaska, who was the first to
study the Rgveda in a systematic, scientific and critical way, has
attempted an analysis of the hymns of the Rgveda in the seventh
chapter of his Nirukta. He has also discussed the problem of the
‘anadista-devata-mantras’. In the mention of the “yajna-daivata-
mantra” view, he has rightly stressed the intimate relation between
the hymns and the sacrifice; but his statements do not throw any
light on the priority of the one or the other. The principle of the
person who speaks out the hymn being the deity thereof, is more
or less a literary criterion and as such cannot make clear the point
whether sacrificial association for these hymns existed or did not
exist. Thus the “adhyatmikyah” cannot be said to have a sacrificial
background; but at the same time, there is no ground to assert with
any positive emphasis that all those different categories had necessari¬
ly got a clear sacrificial association. The fact that the Brahmanas have
fixed up verses or portions of verses from different hymns at random
in their rituals merely confirms the inference that a pretty large
majority of hymns of the Rgveda were neither necessarily composed
for a particular ritual or rituals nor had they got any rigid tradi¬
tional association with any sacrificial ritual as such. Dr. M. Winter-
nitz 1 has referred to two divergent schools of thought in this connec¬
tion; some scholars like Kaegi saying that a very large majority
of hymns were poetical and natural in their origin, while others
like Prof. H. Oldenberg 2 holding that “such poetry could have arisen
only in the exclusive circles of the priestly sacrificial experts”. The
first view is apparently based on a literary appreciation of the hymns

1. H.I.L.. Vol I, p. 72.

2. RVO, p. :j.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

of the Rgveda; but it should be remembered that, some of those
hymns of literary beauty do have a sacrificial basis. The second
view is untenable on the face of it, as there is no evidence whatso¬
ever in support of it. In fact, the course of the growth of the ritual
in the later days in all its variety, clearly necessitates the inference
that the ritual cannot and need not be imagined to be so developed
in those early days.

Some of those hymns of the Rgveda are obviously sacrificial in
character; e.g. the Apri hymns. 3 They have been separately dis¬
cussed in a different chapter. 4 They can only give us an idea of the
stage or stages of the development of the ritual in those days. But
regarding the relation of the hymns with the sacrifice, a number of
observations have been made occasionally by the Vedic poets and
it is proposed to discuss here passages containing such observations
and see what light they throw on the nature of the sacrifice in the
Rgveda. This evidence is obviously important, more important than
the views of persons, who commented upon them centuries after
those hymns were composed, because of the fact that the ritual in
the days of the Rgveda, was shaping and growing under the eyes
of the Rgvedic poets and hence, their observations, though casually
stated, carry a good deal of weight in this regard.

Even though, for all practical purposes, it is true that the
question of the priority of the hymns or the sacrifices cannot be
definitely decided either way, one of the poets, who is probably
looking back on the growth of the hymns and the sacrifices, remarks
that the hymns came to be written first and then the sacrifice came
into existence, (suktavakarh prathamamadidagnimadiddhavirajana-
yanta devah | sa esarh yajno abhavat tanupah X.88.8). This solitary
reference cannot prove much; but it is certainly worthy of note as
an opinion of one, who, though he may have been relatively late
in the tradition of the hymns and the sacrifices, was certainly much
nearer to them than the later speculators in the field of the inter¬
pretation of the Rgveda and hence, it is not altogether improbable
that his statement may be containing precious grains of truth in it.

Another poet appears to be hinting at the fact that all the hymns
were certainly not being composed for the sacrifice nor were they
considered to be of a particular standard for the sacrifice. (Rv.VII.
29.3. Ka te asti arariikrtih suktaih, Kada nunaih te maghavan
dasema|Visva matlratatane tvaya, adha me indra srnavo havema).
All the hymns might have been composed in honour of certain deities
but only some of them were considered as “competent” (aramkrtih)
for the sacrificial performance. It was only when a particular hymn

3. B.U.J., 1945-6, AHR.

4. Vide Chapter eleven.

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

was admitted as competent that the offering was considered as
acceptable to the divinity and hence could be given in the sacrifice
as indicated by “kada nunam maghavan dasema”. Thus it appears
that hymns for sacrificial purposes were required to have a certain
standard in their composition. The same is also indicated at 1.120.1
(Ka radhad hotra asvina vam .... katha vidhati apracetah), where
it is said that a certain type of hymn (here called ‘hotra’) is required
for undertaking the performance of a sacrifice; because otherwise
the Asvina would not be pleased. Persons ignorant about this
(apracetah), could not offer the sacrifice.

The high standard of construction and gracefulness, expected
in a hymn to be employed at the sacrifice is also referred to at
VII.32.13 (mantramakharvaih sudhitam supesasam dadhata yajniyesu
a), where it is said such a hymn should be free from defects, should
be well-constructed, and in general graceful (possibly with a number
of figures of speech, etc.).

It is for this reason that another poet prays to the divinity con¬
cerned, that his hymn may be accepted at heart by the divinity, so
that the offerings which can win their objective can be made.
(1.73.10 eta ta agne ucathani vedho, jusfani santu manase hrde ca |
sakema rayah sudhuro yamaih te adhi sravo devabhaktam dadhanahj j).
As both the mind and the heart of the divinity are to approve of
the hymn, a good amount of skill in the composition thereof would
certainly be required.

At the same time, the poet being conscious of the fact that
the acceptance of the divinity can come through the help of the
divinity only, is invoking the help of the divinity to grant him the
necessary help. (IX.82.4c. antar vanLsu pracara—sujivase). Soma,
when pressed, is expected to find a path for the hymn (Rv.IX.96.10)
and Vaisvanara is requested to find the path for the hymn, (VII.13.3
Vaisvanara brahmane vinda gatum). It may be noted that the path
for the hymn is naturally through a sacrificial performance and in
this way, the vital role of the hymns in the sacrifice is amply made
clear.

This consciousness too had further, the consciousness of the
efficacy of the sacrifice in persuading the divinity to do the favour,
as its basis. Sometime the divinity would be coaxed by promises to
show the favour; at times, the hymns plainly would be referred to
as bringing the wealth, of course, through the sacrifices offered to the
divinity. Thus, Indra is asked to give the liberal gift that he would
give to a liberal sacrificer and in return he is promised the glorifica¬
tion of the same in a new hymn, (IV.20.10. a bhara daddhi tannah j
pra dasuse datave bhuri yat te | navye de$ne sasta asmin. ta ukthe

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

prabravama vayamindra |[). Thoughtful prayers are said to be going
to Agni, with devotion to gods, begging for wealth (VII.10.3 accha
giro matayo devayantih, agnirii yanti dravinaih bhiksamanah). Some¬
times, new hymns are said to be composed as attractions for the
divinity. (VII.26.led, tasma uktham janaye yajjujosat nrvanaviyah
srnavadyatha nah ). Even an offering of soma in the sacrifice is
said to be growing on account of the hymns (IX.17.4, a kalasesu
dhavati pavitre pari sicyate | ukthairyajnesu vardhate j). Thus are
the hymns described as incentives to the divinity for accepting a
particular sacrifice. At times the poets would go a step further by
saying that that the power, that the gods exercise, of course after
the sacrifices have been offered to them through the assistance of the
priests, is also due to those hymns sung at the sacrifices. (Rv.VII.33.3,
dasarajne sudasam pravadindro brahmana vo vasisthah and VII.33.4,
yacchakvarlsu brhata ravena indre susmamadadhata vasisthah [),
where the source of the power of Indra is said to be the hymns of
the Vasisthas. At VIII.62.1, performances of soma-sacrifices are
said to be augmenting the strength of Indra (ukthairindrasya
mahinam vayo vardhanti sominahj). Soma juice is also said to be
flowing across the obstacles on account of the hymns (IX.3.2. e§a
deva vipa krto ati hvaramsi dhavati). Soma plant is said to be
yielding the soma juice only on account of the prayers (IX.97.1,
asya presa hemana devah devebhih samaprkta rasam). Mortals too
are said to be receiving their enjoyments through the hymns (X.7.2,
yada te marto anu bhogamanat, vaso dadhano matibhih sujata).
Even though the enjoyments are obtained only by the performances
of the sacrifices, (yada te vaso—bhogamanat), the emphasis, it should
be noted is laid on the role of the hymns. In a number of passages,
the inseparable connection between the hymns and sacrifices is
stressed clearly, by pointing out that the sacrifices can be fruitful
only through the hymns or even suggesting that the sacrifices could
not be imagined without the hymns (Rv.VII.16.2, subrahma yajnah
susami vasunarh devarii radho jananam: the sacrifice with good hymns
becomes well-performed and then brings the gifts—devarh radhah).
At VII.26.1, it is said that Indra is not delighted by sacrifice (offering
of soma) without the hymns (nabrahmano maghavanam sutasah—
mamaduh); and X.105.8, says that Indra is not easily pleased with
hymnless sacrifices (nabrahma yajnah rdhag josati tve). At times
the hymn is plainly said to be winning or successfully accomplishing
the sacrifice (VII.66.8, matiriyam vipra medhasataye). This is
expressed more clearly at VIII.26.15 (visudruheva yajnam uhathur-
gira), where Asvins are said to be bearing the burden of the sacri¬
fices with the help of the hymns. At times, even the hymns are said
to be bearing the burden of the sacrifices by themselves (cf. VIII.
26.16, vahistho vam havanam stomo dutah).

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

In order that the hymns should be able to do this, it was neces¬
sary that they should be appropriate ones for the deities concerned.
It is to be noted that the various divinities had their own place of
importance in the system of sacrifice, some of them quite naturally
being considered as more important than the others. The standard
of invocation would differ according to the status of the divinity.
Particularly when a group like Visve-Devas was to be offered a
sacrifice, it was necessary to bear in mind the relative importance
of the various divinities, as offerings were to be made to them either
individually, one after the other, or at times in a collective manner.
This fact was borne in mind while composing the hymns for certain
sacrificial performances, as is made clear by a poet at VII.43.1, (Pra
vo yajnesu devayanto arcan dyava namobhih prthivi isadhyai | yesaih
brahmani asamani vipra visvag viyanti vanino na sakhah 11). In a
poetic way, the hymns are compared with the branches of a tree.
That the hymns referred to were composed specifically for purposes
of the sacrifice, so that they might urge on the divinities, is made

clear in ab (yajnesu.arehan.isadhyai). In a very fine

simile, they are compared with the branches (sakhah) in cd. The
common points stated are quite significant. ‘Asamani’ suggests very
happily that just as the branches of the trees are ‘unequal’, (asama), 5
so are the hymns, obviously according to the status of the divinities.
With ‘slesa’, the word also indicates that the hymns are ‘unequalled’
or ‘unrivalled’. The hymns, with their verses addressed to various
deities and thus going to them are very aptly compared with the
branches of the tree, spreading in various directions.

If a hymn is particularly powerful, it is even said to be raising
the standard of the sacrificial performance from human to divine
plane, (cf. X.93.8, dustarani yasya sama cit, rdhag yajno na manusah).
Hardly can a poetical expression be more explicit in pointing out
the vital role of the hymns, as it had come to be established in the
days of the Rgveda.

When the hymns had such control over the sacrifices, it is quite
natural that the hymns of certain singers are said to surpass those
of the others in winning over the divinity. Thus it is said at VIII.1.4,

(Vi tarturyante maghavan.aryo vipo jananam) that the songs

of the wise surpass those of the others or at VIII.26.16 that a certain
hymn is the best of the lot as far as the sacrificial performances to the
deity are concerned. Some poets appear to be considered as
nearer to the gods, on account of the hymns they were composing
for sacrifices (VIII.64.9, Ukthe ka u svidantamah). Even in com¬
parison with other materials of the sacrifice, the hymn is said to be
the most agreeable one (VIII.24.20.dasmyam vacah. .. . ghrtat

5. For ‘Sama’ in the sense of ‘equal’ cf. X. 119.9 ‘Samau hastau’; for an

'unrivalled hymn’ Cf. X.SD.2, Irrahma’ and 1.54.8 ‘asama manlsa’.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

svadiyo madhunasca.). Anyway, merely an attractive offering

even like ‘soma’ could never be imagined in the absence of the hymn.
Indra is said to be delighted with a just combination of the two,
however dear ‘soma’ may be to him. It is so indicated at VII.26.2
(Ukthe ukthe soma Indram mamada | nithe nithe maghavanam
sutasah).

When a fresh occasion for composition arose, the poet would
compose a ‘doubly’ powerful hymn, so that it might be found attrac¬
tive by the divinity and bring blessings to friends and singers
(gathered at the sacrificial performance), cf. VII.8.6, idam vacah

satasah sam sahasram | Udagnaye janislsta dvibarhah.sam yat

stotrbhya apaye bhavati | ). In a negative way it is pointed out
how a hymn sustains the sacrifice at V. 44.9 (na rLjyati savanam

yasmlnnayata.agrima.matih), where it is remarked that

a soma-pressing, associated with a striking hymn does not suffer
(i.e. becomes successful).

The sacrificial performance that is associated with a particularly
potent hymn is said to be surpassing similar performances by others

at VII.1.14 (sedagniratyastu anyanj yatra tanayah.sahasra-

patha aksara sameti |). In order to indicate the same inviolable
relation between the hymns and sacrifices, in a very striking way
a poet asks Indra to create a new hymn with or in the sacrifices,
a deed which remains undone by him. (cf. VI.18.15, anu dyavaprthivi
tatta ojo amartya jihata Indra devah j Krsva krtno akrtarh yatta
astyuktham navlyo janayasva yajnaih 6 ]]).

The importance of the role of the hymns in the sacrifices is
further indicated by a number of passages, where the efficacy of
the hymns in various fields is being pointed out, of course through
their association with the sacrifices. Thus at 1.75.1 (jusasva sapra-

thastamam vaco. havya juvhana asani), Agni has been asked

to accept the offerings, associated with a hymn and then in the
following verse, the hymn is referred to as all-availing (sanasi),
apparently through the sacrifice. Indra is said to be the winner
of light through the hymns at 1.131.6. Gods can be brought to the
sacrifice through the hymns (1.135.5, a vam—(Indra and Vayu)—
dhiyo vavrtyuh adhvaran). The sacrificial session is said to be effective
and the Angirasas are said to have been enabled to penetrate the
darkness through the mediation of the hymns only. (VI.65.5, vyarkena
bibhidurbrahmana ca satya nrnamabhavad devahutih |). Gods are
said to be giving gifts through the sacrifices, associated with the

6. Sayana construes yajnaih as equivalent to yajne$u. It should however be
preferrably construed in the instrumental sense, as Prof. Velankar does (B.U.J.
Vol. X, 1941, p. 90), indicating the twofold role of Indra, in the performances
as well as in compositions.

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

hymns at VII.16.2 (Subrahma yajnah susami.devam radho

jananam).

One of the poets even claims the power, enabling him to kill
the great (demons) through the hymns. IV.4.11a (maho rujami
bandhuta vacobhih |), adding that it came to him through ancestral
tradition (b tanma piturgotamadanviyaya). A very great compli¬
ment is paid to those poets, who compose hymns for sacrifices, as
surpassing all others in glory, (cf. VII.7.6, ete dyumnebhirvisvama-
tiranta, mantram ye varam narya ataksan j Pra ye visastiranta
sro§amana, a ca ye me asya didhayannrtasya |1).

Even the cosmological function of the creation of the people is
said to be attributable to Agni on account of a particularly powerful
hymn, that is offered to him (1.96.2, Sa purvaya nivida kavyatayorima
praja ajanayanmanunam |).

Even though we cannot precisely know the circumstances under
which the hymns of the Rgveda came to be written, occasionally we
do come across evidence about the raison d’etre of some of them.
Thus the Danastutis and some other sacrificial hymns indicate their
setting. It appears customary to glorify certain deeds in sacrificial
sessions (cf. 1.162.Id, pravaksyamo vidathe viryani). This was appa¬
rently done to give publicity to those incidents, which were com¬
paratively unknown to the general public of the time.

On some of these occasions, possibly, it was customary to pro¬
claim in chorus a particular point in the sacrifice, as is suggested at
1.74.3, where Agni’s ‘rise’ is said to be proclaimed by the people
(uta bruvantu jantavo yadagnirajani.).

It also appears to be customary to sing hymns loudly at times as
indicated at 1.75.1 (vacah saprathastamam), where a song is said to be
sung loudest and at VII.33.4 (yacchakvarisu brhata ravena indre
susmamadadhata Vasi$thah), where the ‘sakvari’ hymns are said to
be sung loudly. Occasionally the priests appear to approach fire
gradually singing songs (cf. 1.74.1, adhvaramupaprayantah agnaye
mantram vocema j).

The fact that soma hymns have been collected separately in a
Mandala (the nineth) apparently indicates the predominance of soma-
sacrifice in the sacrificial system. It is for this reason that we find
the relation of ‘soma’ with the hymns emphasized in a number of
places.

At IX.6.9 (eva punana indrayurmadam madi§tha vitaye | guha
ciddadhise girah. |j) a poet is indicating the very intimate relation¬
ship between the soma and the hymns in a mystical tone. It should
be noted that in the preceding stanza, the poet has emphasized the

26 SAUK1F1UE UN lilt; KUVtiUA

role of ‘soma’ in the sacrifice by referring to him as “the soul of

sacrifice” (IX.6.8, atma yajnasya.susvanah pavate sutah |).

When this ‘soul of sacrifice’ is assigning a place of secret importance
to hymns, the importance of the hymns in the sacrifice can be realised
easily. This is expressed poetically at IX.95.3 (aparnivedurmayastar-
turanah pra manisa irate somamaccha | namasyantirupa ca yanti
saria ca ca visantyusatirusantam |[), where the poet is describing the
eagerness of the hymns in going to ‘soma’ in ab. They are further
said to be approaching him devoutly, entering him and pervading
him. This eagerness is mutual as indicated by ‘soma’ too being refer¬
red to as ‘usan’, and hence the poet wants to suggest that ‘soma’
and the hymns cannot be imagined in the absence of one another.
The close association of soma with hymns in winning the ‘Sun’ is des¬
cribed at IX. 94.1 (adhi yadasmin vajinlva subhah spardhante dliiyah
surye na visahj); by reference to the songs which are said to be
‘struggling’, the process of preparing soma juice is indicated. Soma
is said to be entering the hymns (IX.20.5, girah soma vivesitha).
He is said to have been urged on by the hymns (IX.106.11, IX.25.2,
107-24) and also purified by them (IX.64.10; IX.113.5). He is also
referred to as increasing on account of the hymns (IX.26.6, gira-
vrdham) or decorated by them (IX.40.1, 43.2, 43.3, 86.24). Sometimes
the hymns are said to be going to soma (IX.34.6 giro arsanti). Soma
juice is said to be sitting in the place of the hymns (IX.25.6; 50.4,
arkasya yonimasadarh) or sitting around the hymns (IX.73.3). For
the idea of hymns praising and licking the soma, cf. IX.86.31, 46;
95.4; 97.34. On association with the hymn, soma is said to be

becoming as strong as the thunderbolt (IX.47.3, at soma.

vajrah sahasrasa bhuvat | Uktham yadasya jayate|j).

Soma in its turn also is said to be urging on the hymns (IX.64.25;
96.7) or increasing them (IX.40.5; 97.36, vardhaya vacam), or purify¬
ing them even as he is purified by them (IX.86.33). He is referred
to as the controller of the hymns (IX.73.6, slokayantra) or leader
of the hymns (IX.103.4, neta matlnam) or producer of the hymns
(IX.67.13 vaco jantuh and IX.96.5 janita matinam).

On account of such very close association between the hymns
and soma, hymns are described as garments of soma or as clothing
him with a garment (IX.35.5; 43.1; 71.Id).

In this way, the special importance of the hymns in the sacrifi¬
cial performances has been recognised and emphasized. Even
though this may have been done in an exaggerated fashion at places,
the idea that they must have certain standard and should find accept¬
ance of the divinity, never appears to have been lost sight of. It
is thus that some special categories of hymns, particularly effica-

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

cious 7 from sacrificial point of view, came to be distinguished and
specially designated. One such hymn, which could bring Indra to
a sacrificial performance has been qualified as ‘visvapsu’ 8 at VI.35.3

(karhl svit.visvapsu brahma krnavah savistha j.kada

gomagha havanani gacchah jj) where Indra’s attendance at the invo¬
cation (d) is associated with the ‘visvapsu’ hymn.

Of all the hymns, those composed for sacrificial purposes appear
to be referred to as ‘Rtasya dhenah’ at 1.141.1. and ‘Rtavaka’ at IX.
113.2 (Rtavakena satyena sradahaya tapasa sutah), where soma is
said to be pressed by a truthful sacrificial hymn. At 1.147.1, the
gods are said to be delighted by a ‘Saraan’ hymn of sacrifice (Rtasya
saman ranayanta devah). In a similar way certain verses or hymns
of known sacrificial efficacy are referred to as ‘rtasya brhatih’ at
VIII.52.9 (astavi rnanma purvyarh brahmendraya vocata j purvir
rtasya brhatiranusata stoturmedha asrksata ||), where the poet is
referring to verses or hymns popularly known in his days for their
sacrificial significance. The reference to ‘intelligence’ in that con¬
nection in d, possibly indicates that such hymns were the out¬
come of some intelligent thinking on the part of the poet. It is for
this reason, it appears, that the poet of VIII.52 is composing his
hymn in the ‘barhata pragatha’. 9

Certain other names of metres also appear to be applied to the
hymns with some sacrificial association or significance. Thus the
poet of IX.97, writing in ‘tristubh’ metre, is referring to certain
songs, associated with soma as ‘tristubhah (v.35, Some arkah
tristubhah samnavante j). It appears that certain ‘somia’ hymns
composed in the metre had come to be designated as ‘tristubhah’.

It should be noted that the word occurs five times in the Rgveda,
out of which at two places, it refers to the metre of the name, which
is specially associated with the worship of Indra or Yama. Thus
cf. X.14.16 (Tristubgayatrl chandaihsi sarva ta yama ahitaj); at
X.130.5 (indrasya tristubiha bhago ahnah), the metre tristubh is
said to be particularly delightful to Indra, as Jagati is to Visvedevas
and Virat to Mitravaruna. At two other places, it appears to be
used in the sense of ‘offering’, (cf. ‘tristubham isam, VIII.7.1 and
VIII.69.1.). This offering to Maruts and Indra must be of ‘Soma’
only as indicated by X. 14.16ab where though the word ‘tristubh’
is used in the sense of the metre (see above) of the name, the offer¬
ings are said to be of the soma juice, (cf. trikadrukebhih pati.).

7. Hymns with indications of some sacrificial employment will be discussed in

Chapter XI.

8. Grassmann (Wort.) derives from HIH and interprets “having many

forms”. Say. and Ludwig etc. derive from C HT and interpret “ail-nourishing”.

9. Combination of odd verses in ‘brhati’ and even verses in ‘satobrhatl’ metre.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

That, this offering is meant for the successful accomplishment of
the sacrifice, is indicated at VIII.69.1c (dhiya vo medhasataye). Thus
as the offerings of sacrificial importance appear to have come to be
designated as ‘tri§tubh’ and as X. 130.5 indicates the sacrificial im¬
portance of Tristubh metre (see above), the ‘tri$tubhah arkah’ at
X.97.35d apparently are significant as the hymns of sacrificial im¬
portance of those days.

At VIII.38.10, (a vam sarasvativatorindragnyoravo vrne j
yabhyarh gayatraiii rcyate |j), ‘Gayatram’ appears to be a hymn in
gayatri metre 10 , with its importance for sacrificial purposes indi¬
cated by association with Saraswati. 11 The same indication is given

by IX.60.1 (pra gayatrena gayata. j indum sahasracaksasam j j),

where the hymn of the name ‘gayatra’ is associated with the Soma.
Indragni are associated with ‘gayatra’ also at 1.21.2. It may be noted
that the word ‘gayatra’ is used in the sense of a ‘hymn’ at about
twenty places in the Rgveda (1.27.4, 38.14, etc.); in a few places
however its sacrificial association is clearly indicated. Thus at
VIII.1.7, and 8, Indra is said to be going to Kanvas on account of the
‘gayatra’ hymns, though his mind may have been attracted towards

a number of other places (purutra ciddhi te manah.pra gayatra

agasisuh.and (v.8).yabhih kanvasya upa barhirasadam).

In 1.120 (a hymn composed in gayatri metre), the poet, after refer¬
ring to some other hymns of known efficacy, wants to emphasize that
his ‘gayatra’ hymn also has similar efficacy (1.120.6, srutam gayatram
takavanasyaham cid hi rirebha asvina). A similar sacrificial associa¬
tion is indicated at 1.164.25 (gayatrasya samidhastisra ahuh), where
a ‘gayatra’ hymn is associated with three sariidhs. The name
‘gayatra’ appears to have been so intimately associated with a sacri¬
ficial hymn that, even a hymn in ‘sakvari’ metre is referred to as
‘gayatra’ (X.71.11, gayatram vo gayati sakvarLsu). It is considered to
be a ‘saman’ by Sayana, as it is associated with the ‘udgatr’ priest.

Though ‘sakvari’ refers to the metre of that name at X.71.11,
it appears to be a hymn or hymns of that name in VII.33.4, where
sakvari hymns are said to have instilled strength in Indra. (Yaccha-
kvarisu brhata ravena indre su$mamadadhata Vaslsthah). As the
hymn is apparently sacrificial in character, 12 the sacrificial import¬
ance of ‘sakvari’ hymns, becomes evident, as Vasistha must have
achieved his feat by a sacrificial performance only.

Gatha and Gatha similarly appear to be referred to as hymns
in those metres having some sacrificial significance. The word
‘Gatha’ is used twice in the Rgveda. At 1.167.6, its association with

10. Cf. above I. 130.4 the Gayatri metre as particularly associated with Agni (agner

gayatryabhavat); Cf. also I. 79.7 and I. 188.11.

11. Cf. ‘SaraswatT in Chapter IV.

12. Cf. Chapter XI.

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

a sacrificial performance is made clear by referring to its being sung
by one who has pressed out the soma juice and is desirous of offering
worship (gayad gatham sutasomo duvasyan). At IX.11.4, Gatha
is said to be sung in honour of Soma (Somaya gathamarcata). The
word Gatha is used five times in the Rgveda. At VIII.32.1, Kanvas
are exhorted to sing gathas in honour of Indra, under the influence

of soma (Kanvah.gathaya.Indrasya krtani made somasya

pravocata). At VIII.71.14 (Agnim gathabhirllisva), Agni is said to
be adored by gathas. At VIII.98.9, Gatha is said to be instrumental
in yoking the horses of Indra (yunjanti hari isirasya gathaya). At
IX.99.4 (tam gathaya puranya punanam. ...), the very ancient asso¬
ciation of the gathas with soma is referred to.

X.85.6 (Raibhyasldanudeyl, narasamsl nyocani | Suryaya bhadra-
midvaso gathayeti pariskrtam ||), refers to three types of hymns of
obvious ritualistic importance. The poet is apparently associating
some mystical significance with those different types of hymns in
their relationship with the various points of description in the
marriage of Surya. It is not clear how Griffith (Vol.II.p.501,F.N.)'
distinguishes between the meanings as (1) ritualistic verse (2) eulo¬
gistic hymn and (3) non-Vedic songs. It should be noted that all the
three categories appear to have some sacrificial significance and not
only the first. Sayana interprets ‘Raibhyah’ as ‘some verses’ and
quotes Ait. Bra. VI.32.

Besides these occurrences of the word ‘gatha’, the epithet ‘gatha-
pati’ is applied to Rudra side by side with ‘medhapati’, indicating
the relation between the ‘gathas’ and the sacrifice. In the same
way Indra appears to be called ‘gatha-sravas’ at VIII.2.38 and Agni
‘Rjugatha’ at V. 44.5.

It appears that the ‘gatha’ and the ‘gatha’ were hymns (though
the word ‘gatha’ appears to be employed in the sense of a verse
at VIII.71.14), which were in use from very ancient times for their
sacrificial importance (IX.99.4) and efficacy (VIII.98.9). There does
not appear to be anything ‘non-Vedic’ about them as suggested by
some scholars, apparently on the basis of their association with the
Avesta. If it were so, Indra, Agni and Rudra could not have been
applied epithets based on ‘gatha’ (at 1.43.4, V.44.5 and VIII.2.38)
and the poets would not have been referred to proudly as ‘gathinah’,
as is done at 1.7.1. Whether the ‘gathins’ were singing ‘brhat saman"
as stated by Say. (Bhasya on 1.7.1) or not, it has to be noted that
almost in all the passages in the Rgveda, where ‘gathas’ are referred
to, they are associated with ‘Soma’. It is therefore probable that
the ‘gatha’ and the ‘gathas’ were hymns of particular importance at
the Soma sacrifices, though a number of other hymns too were
associated with them. It is on account of this ritual significance

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

that just like the Apr! 13 hymns, Avesta has continued the tradition
of ‘gatha’ and the Soma.

‘Hotra’ at places appears to be a category of hymns of sacrificial
importance. Though its association with the Hotr priest is nowhere
categorically referred to, it appears to be so designated on account
of its relation with the priest even as the offering ‘Hotra’. 14 Derived
from the root hu to ‘invoke’ it may be referring to a hymn, efficacious
in invocation of the divinity and it is thus that a poet is inquiring
about the ‘Hotra’ that would be acceptable to the Asvins (1.120.1
Ka radhad hotra Asvina vain ). Its influence, as also the intelligence
required in its composition arc indicated at VII.104.6 (Indrasoma
pari vam bhutu visvata iyai'n matih kaksyasveva vajina j yam

varh hotram pari hinomi medhaya.), where it is compared with

a strap tying the two horses together. Asvins are said to be further¬
ing it at VIII.101.8. Its general efficacy is indicated at VIII.53.7"';
it is said to be winning all desirable things at X.64.15 (vi sa hotra
visvamasnoti varyam) end its relation with the soma sacrifice is
indicated at X. 64.15 ccl (yatra grava madh.u.suducyate brhat).

Some hymns, though not specifically designated, are described
as having some intimate sacrificial association and are qualified by
certain peculiarities associated with them.

Thus, ‘Sapta-vani’ at III.7.1, IX.103.3 and 104.4; ‘Sapta dhiti’
at IX.62.17 and ‘Sapta-sirsni dhih’ at. X.67.1 apparently refer to the
same or similar hymn. HI.7.1, IX.82.7, 103.3 and 104.4 refer to its
association with the Soma-ncr:fine. At X.67.1, ancestral tradition
associated with it, is referred to. Even though some hymns are
written in different metres, it does not appear that the hymns written
exactly in seven different metres are intended to be referred to by
these ‘Sapta vanlh’. Nor is there any particular point in saying that
they indicate hymns to be sung in seven different tunes. In the
case of ‘Sapta yavhlh’ 'III. 1.4 etc.) or ‘Sapta Ilotra’ (X.17.11)
or ‘Sapta Hotrani’ till.4.5) and a number of ether things associated
with the number seven, it appears that seme mystical significance
is attached to the figure ‘seven’ and it is with this mystical signifi¬
cance in their relation with the ritual in view that the hymns are
qualified by the figure ‘seven’.

Similar appeal's to be the case with ‘Aksara’ (VII.1.14) or ‘Aksara
sahasrinf (VII.15.9 upa iva sod aye naro vipraso yanti dhitibhih |
Upa’ ksara sahasrini), where the poets are said to be approaching
Agni for attainment (of course through sacrifice) with the help of the-
hymn, which is capable of ‘winning a thousand’. It is said to be

13. Which arc carried on as 'afrinpr.ns’ in the Avesta, though with chances cf. AHR
in B.U.J. 1945-4G.

14. Cf. Chapter V.

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

‘sahasrapatha’ at VII.1.14 and to be instrumental in surpassing other
sacrificial performances (sedagniragnin atyastu anyan).

‘Astapadi’ is the designation given to his hymn by the poet of
vni.76 (cf. v 12 vacamastapadlmaham navasraktimrtasprsarh I
indrat pari tanvam mame | ). Describing the peculiarity of his com¬
position as a hymn containing eight syllables in every pada, and
having nine such padas in every triplet (nava sraktlh), the poet refers
to its sacrificial efficacy by saying that it is ‘rtasprs’.' 5 At II.7.5
ftvaih no asi bharatagne vasabhiruksabhih | astapadibhirahutah ^
also, a similar hymn appears to be referred to. 1fi As in the above
case, this hymn also has stanzas containing eight syllables in every
pada. Therefore it appears that the name ‘astapadi’ was given to a
hymn of specific form of composition with its sacrificial association
in view and a poet intending to have similar association, would speci¬
fically refer to his hymn as ‘astapadi’ as is done by the poet of
VIII.76. u '*

The word ‘Yajus’ is referred to in the sense of a hymn thrice
in the Rgveda. (cf. V.62.5, barhiriva yajusa raksamana (mitra-
varuna); X.181.3 and VIII.41.8 (ni yadasu yajurdadhe). At X.181,
it is referred to side by side with the Saman hymns called ‘brhat’
(v.2) and ‘Rathantara’ (.v.l) and appears to indicate a hymn with
clear sacrificial significance as the other two. The specific purposes
for which the three were employed also appear to be referred to.
Thus the Rathantara Saman appears to be used for some offering
as indicated at X.181.l h (Anustubhasya haviso haviryat) and the
Brhat Saman, for sacrificial performance in general as indicated at
X.181.2 al * (avindan te atihitaih yadasld yajnasya dhama paramam
guha yat. .) and the yajus hymn for offering the “gharma” (cf.
chapter V) as indicated at X.181. 3 d (a suryadabharan gharmamete j).
Us efficacy in invoking the gods is indicated by its being referred to
as ‘prathamaih dc-vayanam’—the first to go to the gods. This assign¬
ment of efficacy in different spheres, however appears to have merely
the idea of attaching some mystical significance that the poet alone
would be conscious of. We have no means to ascertain it exactly.
It appears that when sacrificial importance of the hymns was recog¬
nised and emphasized, yajus nowhere refers to a formulae, surpassing
in importance the other hymns as it does in the later days.

The word Mantra is used in the sense of a hymn at sixteen
places in the Rgveda. Its connection with the sacrifice is also indi¬
cated at 1.74.1 (upa prayanto adhvaraih mantram vocema j), 1.31.13,
etc. It is also indicated that the poets used to devote great attention
to the composition of the hymns. (1.67.2, hrda yat tastan mantran

15. The hymn contains twelve stanzas divided into four triplets (tres).

16. Cf. Wort—Grassmann. Say.—explains the word as a 'garbhinl' cow.

Hla. Vide Chapter XI under VIII.7G.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

asamsan). A poet is anxiously inquiring at II.35.2 (hrda a sutastam
mantram vocema kuvidasya vedat|), whether his hymn would be
acceptable to the god. The labour, skill and intelligence required
to compose such a hymn, are indicated at (VII.7.6, mantram ye varam
narya atak^an) and VII.32.13 (mantramakharvarn sudhitam supesa-
sam etc.). From the point of view of the sacrifice, there is no further
specific significance attached to the ‘mantras’.

The word ‘Saman’ is used in the sense of a hymn in general as
well as a hymn of sacrificial importance. That it was to be sung
mainly, is indicated at 1.173.1, 11.43.2, etc. But at certain places,
its peculiar significance for sacrifice seems to be predominant in the
mind of the poet. Angirasas, who are closely associated with the
sacrificial tradition of the Rgveda 17 have been associated with the
composition of certain Saman hymns (cf. 1.107.2, deva angirasam
samabhih stuyamanah; X.78.5, Visvarupa angiraso na samabhih).
At 11.43.1 (ubhau vachau vadati samaga iva j) the reference to
‘samaga’ persons can have sense only in the sacrificial traditions.
At II.43.2 (udgateva sakune sama gayasi), the specific role of the
Udgatr priest in the sacrificial performance viz. to sing sama hymns,
is clearly referred to. At V.44.14 and 15 (yo jagara tamrcah kamayante,
yo jagara tamu samani yanti j), the alertness required in the per¬
formance is emphasized. At VIII.81.5 (pra stosat upa gasisat sravat
sama glyamanam | abhi radhasa jugurat), the idea that a divinity
gives gifts as a result of singing a song in a particular fashion appears
to have been indicated. For Saman hymns of a particular efficacy
in the sacrifice, very handsome gifts appear to be offered to the priest.
Thus at VIII.6.47 (trini satanyarvatam sahasra dasa gonam | dadu§-
pajraya samne|), the gift of three hundred horses and ten thousand
cows to Pajra, 18 is referred to. An effective Saman hymn of the
poet is also referred to at VIII.4.17, where the poet is jealously refer¬
ring to the Saman hymn of Pajra, indicating its importance, (na
tasya vemyaranam hi tadvaso stuse pajraya samne ).

Some of the saman hymns appear to be considered as more
efficacious than the others as is indicated at VIII.29.10 (arcanta eke
mahi sama manvata tena suryamarocayan), where a mighty saman
hymn is said to be instrumental in winning the Sun. Some such
hymns came to be specifically designated, though the names do not
appear to be clearly used in that sense in the Rgveda. In a general
way such saman hymns of sacrificial importance are referred to at
1.147.1 (rtasya saman ranayanta devah), where the gods are said to
be delighted therein. According to Say. 19 on 1.7.1 (Indramid
gathino brhad.Indram vaniranu§ata |) the ‘brhat’, said to be

17. Vide Chapter VII.

18. Vide Chapter VII.

19. ‘tvamiddhi havamahe’ (Rv, VI. 46.1) ityasyamrci utpannena brhannamakena
Samna |

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

sung by the ‘Gathins’ is the ‘brhat saman’ of the later days. At
X.181.2, Bharadvaja is said to have composed it (Bharadvajo brhada-
cakre Agneh|). The verse referred to by Sayana (VI.46.1) appears
to be designated as ‘brhat saman’ mainly on account of the hymn
being composed in the Brhati metre. It may be noted that the said
hymn (VI.46) is composed by a junior member of the Bharadvaja
family (Samyuh Barhaspatya) according to the tradition of the Anuk.
and as such may have been late in its origin. Another variety of
saman referred to in the later Samhitas 20 is the 'Rathantara
Saman’. 21 The word Rathantara is used twice in the Rgveda. At
1.164.25 (Rathantare suryam paryapasyat) the saman is said to be
associated with the finding of Surya. At X.181.1 (prathasca yasya
saprathasca nama anustubhasya haviso haviryat : Dhaturdyutanat
savitusca visno rathantaramajabhara vasisthah '), the Saman is said
to be brought by Vasistha. Whatever the exact meaning of ab, some
offering of importance is apparently referred to therein and this
lends support to the idea about the sacrificial efficacy 22 of the Rathan¬
tara Saman. It may be nofed that VII.32 is also known to be a com¬
paratively later hymn in the Vasistha group and hence this saman
too appears to be late in origin like the ‘Brhat Saman’. Another
saman of sacrificial importance appears to be the ‘prstha saman’,

referred to at IV.5.6 (manma) brhaddadhata.yavharh prstham

prayasa saptadhatu), where it is associated with sevenfold food
(parayasa saptadhatu). An efficacious Saman hymn of the Pajra
family 23 is referred to at VIII.6.47 and VIII.4.17.

Indra is said to be particularly pleased with the ukthas and the
nithas (VII.26.2, Uktha ukthe soma indram mamada, nithe nithe
maghavanarh sutasah |). At IV.3.16 (eta visva viduse tubhyarh vedho
nithanyagne ninya vacamsi | Nivacana kavaye kavyani asamsi§arh
matibhir vipra ukthaih) certain ‘nithas’ are referred to as secret
speeches or words, may be on account of the low tone in which they
were to be sung at the sacrifices or on account of some mystical
significance that had come to be associated with them. They are
described as ‘nivacanas’, possibly on account of their decisive
character (cf. also I. 189.8; IX.97.2; X.113.10.)

Perhaps the most significant from the point of view of the
sacrifices were the ‘Nivids’, 21 which got a peculiar restricted sense
in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. The opinions of scholars
are sharply divided on the question of their nature in the Rgveda,
some holding that the ‘Nivids’ have the same technical sense even

20. VS. 10.10; Sam. II. i-1.11.

21. The verses referred to are RV VII-32.22-23.

22. ‘Say.’ on VII. 32. 22-23 Rathararhhahsadhanam sama tad rathantararh.

23. Cf. Chapter VH.

24. V. I. Vol. n p. 452.

S. R.—a

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

in the Rgveda itself 25 and others opposing it. 26 Oldenberg 27 feels
that they are referred to in the technical sense only at 1.96.2. Dr.
Haug has dealt with the question of Nigada and Nivid formulae at
some length 28 and pointed out some correspondence with certain
formula in the Avesta ritual. 29 They are obviously preserved as
“Nivaedayemi” in Avesta, though their form cannot be regarded as
identical in any sense. Therefore they are certainly not the fabrica¬
tions of the Brahmanas though the latter may have introduced
certain changes in their form. According to the Brahmanas they are
an address either to a single deity or a class of deities, inviting them
to enjoy the soma libation. They generally contain enumeration
and qualities of the respective deities. Their proper place is only
the Madhyandina and the Sayantana savanas. All the Nivids are
given in Saiikhayana Srauta Sutra, 8.16-23. They have no regular
metre but a kind of rhythm. 30

Though we may accept Haug’s view that all the sacrificial hymns
are not necessarily late hymns, we cannot agree with his view that
the Nivids were in existence in their technical form right in the days
of the Rgveda. Their sacrificial association is quite evident; but
there is no evidence to prove that they existed in their technical
form in the days of the Rgveda.

It should be noted that the other sacrificial formulae ‘Nigada’,
associated by the Brahmana literature with the Nivid, is not known
to the Rgveda at all. The omission is certainly significant. It may
further be noted that the Rgvedic hymns do not refer to any verbal
form from the root vid with ni, from which apparently the word
Nivid is derived. In fact, there is nothing in the Rgveda to indicate
that the ‘Nivid’ refers to a short formulae as said by the later litera¬
ture. The word rather appears to be used in the sense of a hymn

at 1.175.6 (yatha purvebhyo jaritrbhya Indra. tarn anu tva

nividarh johavimi) where the poet refers to his hymn as a ‘nivid’
just like one of the ancient singers. ‘Tain’ in c may indicate a parti¬
cular Nivid hymn that an earlier poet has employed with apparent
sacrificial importance. The sacrificial efficacy of an ancient ‘Nivid’
is also referred to at 1.89.3 (tan purvaya nivida humahe vayam).
At 1.96.2, the creation of human beings is attributed to the instru¬
mentality of a Nivid (sa purvaya nivida kavyatayoh imah praja aja-
nayanmanunam ]). This indicates the sacrificial setting of the Nivid,
which appears to be composed by ‘Ayu’ in the ancient days. This
Nivid hymn, possibly contained some instructions of a sacrificial

25. Orion--TiIak p. 206.

26. Weber p. 265 and 355.

27. V. H. p. 119, 122.

28. ABI Vol. I. p. 36-40 and Vol. II. p. 142, F.N. 2 and p. 189, F.N. 25.

29. For a summary of the same cf. HSL, Vol. II, p. 99.

30. A.B. Vol. II, p. 142, F.N. 2; RPV, Keith I. p. 253, 295; RVO, p. 387, n. 2;

VMH, III, 2094.

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

nature as can become evident from II.36.6 (ju?etham yajnam bodha-
tam havasya me | satto hota nividah purvya anu), where the poet
expects the god to listen to his call and accept his sacrifice, when
the priest is seated in accordance with some ancient Nivids, which
certainly do not appear to have been short formula. At IV.18.7
(kimusvidasmai nivido bhananta, indrasyavadyam didhi§anta apah),
it is being argued that nivids would not have been addressed to Indra,
if the guilt (of killing Vrtra) would have been with him. At VI.67.10
vi yad vacam klstaso bharante j samsanti kecinnivido mananah), the
Nivids are referred to as sung by some thoughtful persons indicating
their authoritative character since ancient days.

Thus it appears that the Nivids that the Rgvedic poets have in
view are hymns of a forceful character, composed intelligently for
some sacrificial attainment and associated with the idea of sacrificial
efficacy from old days. 31

It will thus be realised that out of a large number of different
types of hymns of sacrificial efficacy referred to in the Rgveda, some
like Brhatl derive their names from the metres in which they are
written, some like Hotra derive their name from the priest with
whom they were associated, some like Gathas as they were positively
of the nature of to be sung, while in the case of some like the Nivids,
the exact point which led to their designation as such cannot be
understood. It is possible that the poets who employed these
designations had got some ritual in view, which they have attempted
to describe and suggest through those hymns.

When we remember that the Brahmanas have not tried to
explain the sacrificial peculiarity of all those different types of hymns
referred to above, and to associate them with their ritual, it can be
very easily realised that this is due to the vast difference between
the ritual of the Rgveda and that of the Brahmanas. We cannot
therefore agree with the view of Dr. M. Haug that the ritual of the
Brahmanas was pretty much the same even when the hymns of the
Rgveda were being composed. 32

Howsoever may the hymns and the sacrifice have grown in their
relationship, it was emphasized that both of them were adding to
each other’s glory. Just as the hymns are said to be making the
sacrifice divine at X.93.8, 33 it is also stated that the hymns shone at
the place of sacrifice only (X. 111.2, ftasya hi sadasah dhltih adyaut [).
The hymns in their basic aspect of speech in its divine form
(X.177.2ab, patango vacam manasa bibharti, tarn gandharvo avadat
garbhe antah), are said to be guarded in the place of sacrifice by the

31. Cf. Macdonell V.I. 1-452. “The word is hardly used in the technical sense of
the Brahmanas.”

32. ABI, p. 31.

33. Quoted above.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

poets (cd. tarn dyotamanam svaryam manl$amrtasya pade kavayo ni
panti |).

Having thus observed the connection of the hymns with the
sacrifice in its various aspects, it remains to be seen how far the
hymns in general were written specifically for the purposes of the
sacrifice and in which way they were ordinarily employed in the
ritual of the time.

It may be noted that this consideration implies the idea of sub¬
servience of the hymns to the sacrifice, which however, is not
supported by the above discussion of their manifold relationship.
Admitting the literary character of the hymns, particularly the
freshness and emotional outlook, displayed by a very large number
of them, it should be evident that they were meant as an instrument
of propitiation of the divinity even as the sacrifice itself. They thus
stand on a footing of equality with the sacrifice and never appear
to be subservient to it. Some of the hymns appear to be composed
for the sake of sacrifice (vide chapter XI) and we can get some broad
indication regarding their employment in the ritual. But this is
true only of a very few of them. It will be seen in the case of a
majority of them that as they serve the purpose of the propitiation
of the divinity along with the sacrifice, definite usages regarding
their employment do not appear to have come into existence. Some
broad usages however appear to be evolving along with the evolution
of the sacrifice during the period of the Rgveda hymns. Some of
these as can be inferred from the hymns, will be indicated in the
course of discussion in some later chapters. 34 It may, however, be
noted that even in the case of the Apr! hymns, which indicate a fairly
stereotyped ritual, quite a wide choice appears to be exercised in the
course of its employment and we may safely infer that beyond their
recitation at the time of the performance, very rigid rules in this
regard do not appear to be in force. Occasionally however, different
families appear to be trying to introduce certain innovations in this
connection.

The ritual retained a kind of freshness and simplicity about it
as long as the hymns preserved their freshness and emotional charac¬
ter. It can be said that fresh compositions appear to be discouraged
when the sacrifice attained a rigid and mechanical form. At an
earlier stage, a fresh hymn was said to constitute the requirement
of a sacrificial performance. Later on, the requirement came to be
restricted to the mechanical performance in a particular fashion, for
describing which the Brahmana texts came into existence.

Thus it would appear that at least during the period of the
composition of the majority of the Rgvedic hymns, which are charac-

34. Of. Chapters V, VI and XI.

HYMNS AND THE SACRIFICE

terized by freshness in composition and emotional appeal, sacrifice
cannot be imagined to have attained a mechanical and rigid character.

Thus an analysis of the various passages concerning the relation¬
ship of the hymns with the sacrifice, yields some information regard¬
ing the idea of the Rgvedic poets about the sacrifice. It appears
that the poet of X.88.8 (quoted earlier) is looking back upon the
sacrifice as it has developed by his time and is referring to the tradi¬
tional view about the origin of the sacrifice or is stating his opinion
about the phenomenon. Either way, it is suggestive enough that
the art of composition is given a prior place in comparison with the
sacrifice. To put it in a general way, thought always precedes the
action and so it is quite in the fitness of things that the hymns should
precede the action evolved out of them, viz., the sacrifice. This
order of evolution has also a significant bearing on the growth of the
cultural conceptions of the Rgvedic Aryans. The thinkers of the
time, who were developing their idea of divinity through the hymns
in the beginning, must have found the sacrifice to be an effective
instrument to give it a definite shape. Intellectual development of
a pretty high order can be witnessed in the composition of the hymns
and along with the sacrifice which has grown on association with
them, we get ample evidence of a very high stature of the people
from intellectual and cultural points of view.

All the hymns therefore need not be imagined to have a sacrificial
setting, though that must have started becoming more and more
defined with the growth of the idea and practice of sacrifice. It is for
this reason that even the Brahmanas could not pick up all of them
for their purposes and Yaska too, when he attempted a critical study
of the Rgvedic hymns could not apply the criterion of sacrifice in
their classification.

Between the two, the balance has turned neither in favour of
the predominance of the hymns nor that of the sacrifice, though
occasionally, one appears to be stressed as more important than the
other. It should be noted that the decisive importance attached to
the sacrifice in the Brahmana literature is conspicuous by its absence
in the hymns of the Rgvcda. It is from this point of view that the
‘Bijankura drstanta’, referred to above is quite significant. Just
as between the Bija and the Ankura, each one has its unique role,
so that none can dispense with the existence of the other, so too is
the case with the mutual relationship between the hymns and the
sacrifice.

The poets, who are all the while conscious of their art of com¬
position, have not failed to emphasize the importance of the hymns
in the sacrificial set-up as at V.44.9 or in a general way by saying
that the hymns give certain ‘tone’ to the sacrifice or bear the burden

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

of sacrifice or raise its level from the human to celestial plane or
at times even ascribing the divine function of creation of subjects
to them. It is here that we come across the beginning of the idea
of “the wheel of sacrifice” (yajna-cakra), propounded in a masterly
fashion by the author of the Gita, 35 by pointing out the interdepend¬
ence of the various entries in the evolution of the universe.

The collection of Soma hymns separately in a Mandala (No. IX)
is significant of the emphasis on the soma ritual in the days of the
Rgveda and hence the relation of hymns with soma has been referred
to at some length above. As the hymns came to be increasingly
associated with the sacrificial set-up, it was inevitable that certain
hymns came to be designated specifically on the basis of their dis¬
tinctive sacrificial character. Among them ‘Gathas’ deserve special
notice as they have been picked up in the later literature of the
Aryans as well as in the Avesta along with the soma ritual. As a
result of some of these characteristically designated sacrificial hymns,
the priests also appear to be given certain distinctive designations on
account of their association with either the composition of such
hymns or the ritual connected therewith. Thus III.12.5 mentions
‘Ukthinah’ and ‘Nlthavidah’. At 1.7.1, ‘Gathins’ are said to have sung
the ‘brhat saman’.

Thus when this fact of the ritual that is growing with the com¬
position of the hymns of varying sacrificial importance is lost sight
of, scholars are led to mix up the ritual of the Rgveda with that of
the Brahmanas. 30 Macdonell even goes to the length of saying 37
“It is doubtful, whether even in the earliest period, much room was
left, owing to the highly ritual type of worship, for independent
prayer.” Such views have to be discarded as not borne out by the
evidence of the analysis given above.

We may therefore reasonably conclude that the relationship of
the hymns and the sacrifice suggests the fact that the ritual has been
evolving in certain stages, though all of them cannot be very pre¬
cisely determined for want of any clear-cut data regarding the
chronological priority or otherwise of the hymns.

35. in. 14-16.

36. ABI, (quoted above) and RVB (quoted above).

37. EBE, Vol. XII, p. 610

Chapter Three

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

3R I (Hv.I. 181.1)

qsft i (Rv.i. 107.1)

SYNOPSIS:—

Mutual dependence of the gods and the sacrifice—not mechanical—freshness
of the approach to the idea of divinity and sacrifice—closer scrutiny of their rela¬
tionship necessary—relation explained by Sankara’s illustration—idea of divinity
through various stages—sacrifice and hymns prospered with freshness in approach
—Dominant position in sacrifice to gods—substantiated by the variety of ways in
which the relationship is explained—the gods know, lay down, accept, enjoy and
even receive entire credit for the performance of sacrifices—sacrifice prospering
under attention of gods—sacrifice influences gods—their predominance never under¬
mined—sacrifice said to be created by the gods—

The number of hymns in honour of a deity—criterion for relative importance
in the sacrificial set-up—peculiar position of Agni in the sacrifice—Agni’s import¬
ance never minimised—sacrifice associated with Agni in all stages—sacrificial
epithets of Agni indicating his predominant position—comparison with some epithets
of Indra and Soma to illustrate their relative position in the system of sacrifice—
Indra hymns—characteristic contribution to the growth of sacrifice—Indra as
the inspiring spirit of the sacrifice—Indra and sacrifice, growing in popular esteem—
his two great deeds—driving away the Dasyus and stabilising the sacrifice—sacrificial
epithets of Indra and their indication—strong likes and dislikes of Irdra—majority
of epithets based on soma juice—frequency of the performances in honour of Indra
—purity of heart in worship referred to—

‘Soma’ as a divinity—circumstances—relation with sacrifice—some characteristic
sacrificial epithets—Asvins—association with soma-ritual—similarity with the work
of the Rbhus—associated with ‘soma’-chant of mystical significance—their associa¬
tion with the non-Aryans—spread of Asvin worship—Relation with Tva?tr and Rbhus
—Tvastr’s help in sacrifice—

Varuna—Rta and sacrifice—association with ‘soma’-ritual—reasons for compara¬
tively lower place of Varuna in the system of sacrifice—U$as, Maruts and others—
Visvedevas introduced later for sacrifice—clash of ideas regarding divinity and mode
of worship, sought to be resolved by introducing Visvedevas—frequent stress on
agreement—Indra retaining his prominence even in the group worship—the worship
centred round Agni—different types of Visvedeva hymns—epithets in common with
other divinities—spread of the cult of sacrific—influence summed up in X.65.11.

Gods and the sacrifice appear to be considered as dependent on
each other right from very ancient days even as indicated in the
Gita . 1 It does not appear to be, however, a mechanical dependence,
as it has not led to a stagnation of their growth. The enthusiasm
with which the Rgvedic Aryans are evolving their idea of the divinity

1. III.ll Devan bhavayatanena te deva bhavayantu vah |

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

both in its qualitative and quantitative aspects, can give us an indi¬
cation of the freshness of their approach to the problem of the divi¬
nity and the divine worship. As indicated in the first chapter, mytho¬
logy and sacrifice are the two aspects—theoretical and practical—
of the Aryan religion. The relationship between the gods and the
sacrifice, in a sense, can be said to be exponent of this twofold aspect
of the religious thought of the Rgvedic Aryans. This mutual rela¬
tionship therefore requires closer scrutiny, as it is likely to reveal
a fresh and important corner of the Aryan mind, which appears
to have attempted to evolve intelligently and systematically the
conception of the interdependence between the gods and the sacrifice.

If the relation between the hymns and the sacrifice can be
described by the well-known vedantic illustration of the Bija and
the Ankura, the relation between the hymns and the sacrifice on
the one hand and the gods on the other, can be described by the
well-known illustration of the veteran vedantin Sri Sankara (Isvarastu
parjanyavad dra?tavyah, S. Bha on II.i.26) viz., as the relation
between the rain on the one hand and the seed (Bija) and the sprout
(Arikura) on the other. The illustration can be stretched further
by taking the scene of sacrifice (chapter IV below) as the land, where
the seed could be planted or the rain could shower on. Hymns and
the sacrifice are as much dependent on the gods as are the seed and
the sprout on the rain. The similarity, however, cannot be strained
further, to extend to the idea of divine unity worshipped in the
sacrifice, for all the stages of its evolution.

The idea of divinity has passed through various stages in the
Rgveda, viz., as independent individual divinities, as joint divinities,
all divinities or some of them together constituting a single group,
as one or more creator divinities, as one concrete principle under¬
lying the divinities or finally as an abstract principle, underlying
the whole phenomenon of existence. As we shall see below, 2 the
idea of sacrifice has influenced to a certain extent, the idea of divi¬
nity and hence it cannot be said that the sacrifice has visualized one
single divinity as intended for its purpose. In fact, it can be said
that as long as the poets were trying to evolve their idea of divinity,
and as long as there was enthusiasm and freshness about the same,
new hymns came to be written. With the idea of divinity, the hymns
too prospered, sacrifice receiving its proportionate share along with
the hymns. But once the mechanisation of the idea of sacrifice set
in, the composition of new hymns ceased and divinities deteriorated
merely to the position of a wheel or wheels in the mechanism of the
sacrifice.

In the hymns of the Rgveda, it can be very easily seen that the
dominant position in the system of sacrifice is occupied by the gods.

2. Chapters XIII and XIV.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

It is the hymn that is to find the favourable acceptance of the gods
(1.141.11, Devanam saihsamrta a ca; 1.107.1, yajno devanarh pratyeti
sumnam). Sacrifice is said to be in the heart of the gods (VIII.18.19,
yajno hilo vo antarah); or the sacrifice itself is said to be the glorifi¬
cation of the gods (1.181.1. ayaih vo yajno akrta prasastirh j). Gods
are said to have attached this much importance to the sacrifice, as
they wanted the offerings, which could come to them only through
the sacrifices. Thus even as Indra is eager to drink the soma-juice
(III.35.9, vavasanah somam; IV.24.6, somam usan), the gods in general
are said to be eager for sacrifice (III.20.1, adhvaram vavasanah). As
the gods are said to have raised the sacrifice to such a high level
of importance, the poets want to establish relationship with the
gods through the sacrifice (VIII.18.19, yusme idvo api smasi sajatye j).
This idea of the upper hand of the gods in the system of sacrifice
can be substantiated by observing the variety of ways in which the
relationship of the gods with the sacrifice is described in the hymns
of the Rgveda.

This relationship is expressed variously so as to indicate how
the sacrifice, in its early stages, was considered necessarily as depend¬
ent on the gods. In quite a large number of passages, the gods are said
to be approaching the sacrifice on request. Thus at 1.112.2, the
Asvins are requested to come with their protections (tabhirutibhi-
ragatarn). They would be coming for the enjoyment of the oblations
that are offered; (1.135.3, adhvaramupa yahi vitaye | tavayam bhaga
rtviyah | cf. also IV.47.1,3; 48.1,4; VI.68.10; VIII.20.10,16); and as
they would like the same, they would come willingly (1.171.2, upa
ima yata manasa jusana).

The divinities would thus come to the sacrifice because they
would be knowing the sacrifice as well as the offerings offered
therein, as indicated at III.11.1 (veda yajnamanusak). Agni is said
to be knowing the sacrifice (IV.3.4, rtasya bodhi rtacit svadhih) and
the oblations (V.60.6, Agne vittad haviso yadyajama).

It is thus that the divinity is said to be desiring the sacrifice
(1.3.10). Thus even though the gods are eager for the sacrifice,
being attracted by the offerings given therein, their superior status
is never lost sight of and they are very frequently requested to
accept the sacrifice that is offered. This idea throws a good deal of
light on the relationship between the divinity and the worshipper.
Sacrifice has been found as a means of approaching the gods; but
the means never appears to have transgressed the limit and super¬
seded in importance the end in view, viz., the gods. The poets appear
to be trying to propitiate the divinity by stressing the attractiveness
of their offerings and the idea of the favour of acceptance lying
with the gods, which is the underlying tone of the doctrine of devo¬
tion, always appears to be present in the mind of the poets. It is

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

thus that the divinities are asked to accept the sacrifice (1.139.11,
yajnamimam ju$adhvarh, III.22.4, puri$yaso agnayo yajnam jnjan-
tam and also III.24.2, IV.2.10; 9.7, V.4.8, 55.10; 72.3, 78.3; VI.47.28;
52.11; 69.1; VII.42.5; VIII.35.4, 38.4, 57.2; X.15.4, 81.6, 150.2). They
are requested to enjoy it (1.151.3,7, adhvararh vlthah; III.40.4; 53.1;
V.II.4, Agnirno yajnamupavetu sadhuya). The gods are described
as delighted at the sacrifices as the cows at the pasture (V.53.16,
stuvato asya yamani ranan gavo na yavase | cf. also VII.82.7, IX.12.7,
X.61.4). The idea of acceptance is negatively expressed at VI.41.1
(ahelamana upayahi yajnam). At V.41.7, U§asanakta are said to be
bringing the sacrifice for the mortals. Agni, acting as the messenger,
is often asked to bring the gods to the sacrifice. (III.35.2, upemarii
yajnamavahatendram; V.26.2, VII.16.4, devan a vitaye vaha; V.1.11
and 4.4, devan haviradyaya vaksi; VI.11.1; 50.9 and X.51.7).

The gods are said to be leading or are requested to lead the
sacrifice obviously as they are so vitally interested in the perform¬
ances of those rites. (1.40.3, deva yajnam nayantu nah; 1.41.5 yam
yajnam nayatha; VI.15.16 yajnam naya yajamanaya sadhu; VIII.44.8,
agne yajnam naya; X.66.12b, prancam no yajnam pranayata sadhuya;
Sacrifice is said to be meant for the sake of the gods (II.5.8, tve
yajnam cakrma vayam; IV.17.18, vayam hya te cakrma sabadhah
samlbhih; IV.34.3, ayam vo yajnah akari).

The credit of assisting, or adorning the sacrifice is given to the
gods, further confirming the superior status, enjoyed by them. (Thus
1.93.12, krnutam no adhvararh srustimantarii; V.13.4; VI.10.1; 62.2;

VII. 2.7, urdhvarh no adhvararh krtarh; VII.84.3, krtam no yajnam
vidathesu carurh; X.110.2, devatra nah adhvararh krnuta). The gods,
apparently by their presence or by some activity are said to be
sweetening the sacrifice or sprinkling it over with mead. 1.22.13,
imam yajnam mimiksatam; 1.34.3, yajnam madhuna mimik§tam;
1.47.4; 1.142.3; VIII.10.2, yadva yajnam manave sammimiksuh).
Even the credit of the entire performance is given to the gods, parti¬
cularly to Agni. Thus X.110.11, sadyo jato vyamimita yajnam;

VIII. 92.21, devaso yajnamatnata. The idea is expressed by yajnam
yaja or yajnam yakja at a number of places, cf. 1.142.8; 11.3.1,3;
III.4.1, 17.3, 29.8, 12; V.21.1; VI. 11.4, 16.9, 49.9; VII.42.3; VIII.46.17;

IX. 1.6, 7.6, etc.; X.52.6, 81.5, 110.7, etc. In these places, ordinarily
Agni is said to be sacrificing to the other gods or the gods are said
to be performing the sacrifice; but when the offering is meant for
Agni only, a poet refers to it as a sacrifice offered by Agni to his
own self. cf. VI.11.2, ‘pavakaya juvha vahnirasa, agne yajasva tanvam
tava svam’)- The gods are said to be sitting round the sacrifice, in¬
dicating their interest in the sacrificial performance. Cf. II.2.5, visvarh
paribhutu adhvaram; IV.56.7, pari yajnam ni sedathuh. As they are
so interested, they are described as protecting the sacrifice. Cf.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

III. 9.6, visvan yadyajnannabhi pasi manuka, tava Iqratva yavisthya |;

IV. 33.3, te no yajnamavantu; V.5.5, 5.9, 52.10; VI.40.5, ato no yaj-
namavase pahi; X.128.7.

Sacrifice is thus not only going on under the attention of the
gods, but it is also said to be prospering on account of the assistance
of the gods. (1.10.4, yajnam ca vardhaya; III.17.2, 40.3, yajnam
pratiremamadya; X.36.6, divisprsam yajnam krnuta; X.141.6; 188.3).

On account of this very intimate relationship between the gods
and the sacrifice, the sacrifice is said to be going to the gods (V.22.2,
26.8, pra yajna etu anu$ak). When Agni, as a messenger has done
the work of carrying the sacrifice to the gods, the sacrifice can very
well be said to have been laid down by him or even by the divinities
in general. Cf. 1.3.11, Sarasvati yajnam dadhe; III.17.5 atha no
dha adhvaram devavitau; III.29.8, sadaya yajnam sukrtasya yonau;
IV.34.2; V.77.1, VI.11.5; 51.1, yajnam dadhatu. At VII.99.4, (urum
yajnaya cakrathuru lokam), the gods are said to be facilitating
the sacrificial performances, which would indicate the expansion of
the cult over a wide area.

Just as the gods are said to have influenced the sacrifice, the
sacrifice is also said to have influenced the gods occasionally. Thus
the sacrifice is said to have prospered the gods (1.173.11 yajno hi
sma kascidindrarh rndhan; II.2.1, yajnena vardhata jatavedasam;
III.32.12, yajno hi te indra vardhano bhut; VI.38.4, vardhadayam

yajna.indram; VI.40.4, VIII.14.5; X.20.6.) Even the human

beings are said to be making the gods stronger by the sacrifices.
(VIII.20.6, yajnairye indre dadhate duvamsi).

Rta, the supporting principle of all human activity, with which
the gods are very intimately related, is said to be associated with
the sacrifice quite naturally, as the sacrifice has moulded the ideas
of the Rgvedic Aryans in all walks of life. Rta is a principle, that
is higher than the gods as the latter are said to be born in the Rta
(Rtajata 1.144.7, III.20.2, etc.). The greatness of the gods is said to
be significant on account of the Rta (II.27.8, ptenaditya mahi vo
mahitvam). When they come to be described as protectors of the
Rta (Rtapah VII.20.6, etc.), it becomes clear that the gods were
associated with a system that promoted the cause of the Rta. At
1.159.1, it is indicated that this system is the sacrifice. It is through
the system of the sacrifice, that the gods were considered as playing
their role in the promotion of the cause of the Rta (pra dyava
yajnaih prthivi rtavrdha). In these few passages, it is the import¬
ance of the sacrifice that is sought to be emphasized and not the
predominance of the gods sought to be undermined. Besides the
numerous passages, indicating the predominant position of the gods
referred to above, it may be noted that the gods are said to be

SACRIFICE IN THE ?GVEDA

making the sacrifice perfect (VI.10.1, VII.17.3.4, svadhvara karati....
cf. also VIII.12.19). Sacrifices are said to centre round Agni (V.9.2,
sam yajnasascaranti yam). Indra is said to be making the sacrifice
mighty (IV.23.1, katha mahamavrdhat kasya hoturyajnam jusano
....). It is the gods again, who are said to give strength even for the
performances of sacrifices (1.111.2, yajnaya tak$ata rbhumadvayah).
Sacrifices are said to depend upon the gods (VIII.10.4, yayoradhi
pra yajnah). Indra is said to be giving impetus to the sacrifice by
his guidance (VIII.6.22, tavendra pranltisu yajno vitantasayyah).

X.65.7, is more significant in this context, as therein the sacrifice
is said to have been created by the gods, (divak§aso agnijivha rtavrdha
rtasya yonim vimrsanta asate [ dyam skabhitvi apa cakrurojasa,
yajnam janitvi tanvi ni mamrjuh jj). In this passage, the gods, who
are the promoters of the Rta, and who are said to be pondering over
the source of the Rta (b), are said to have created the sacrifice,
through the assistance of Agni (as Agni is said to be their tongue),
after they had supported the Heaven, Earth and the Waters. This
suggests that the sacrifice was considered to be a system of cosmic
importance, as it concerns the whole universe. Its creation is in
line with that of the Heaven, Earth and the Waters, which symbolise
the living world. With the metaphor of the horse in view, the
gods are also said to have beautified it. (d). Thus it will be realised
that the superior status of the gods, in the origin as well as the
growth of the sacrifice never appears to have been lost sight of by
the Rgvedic poets.

Very rarely the expression of the mutual relationship between
the gods and the sacrifice would appear to take the form of just a
matter of mutual obligation or benefit as put in a more generalised
manner very aptly by the Gita (devan bhavayatanena te deva
bhavayantu vah III.ll). We come across it, at RV.I.73.5 (sanema
vajarir samithesu aryo bhagam devesu sravase dadhanah |), where the
poet offers legitimate share to the gods from whatever has been
won in the battles.

Beyond these general expressions about the relation of the gods
in general with sacrifices, there are others which indicate some
specific sacrificial association of some individual divinities. These,
along with the specific sacrificial epithets, can be almost sure guides
to determine the relative importance of the gods in the system of
sacrifice.

As the hymns in general are meant for the propitiation of the
divinities and as this was apparently sought to be done through the
sacrificial performances, even the number of hymns written in honour
of a particular divinity can be an indication of the general import¬
ance of that divinity in the sacrificial set-up of the time. What is

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE 45

true of the number of hymns, is more so in the case of the sacrificial
associations and epithets of the gods, which can give us a fairly
correct picture of the general nature of the sacrificial system and
the specific role of the divinity therein.

The reasons for it are quite obvious. The poets have been
composing the hymns in a particular atmosphere, which is characte¬
rized by a set of ideas regarding the nature of the divinity and the
way of propitiating it. Just as the riddle hymns like VIII.29 refer
to certain general characteristic epithets and associations of some
divinities so too we come across in the hymns certain sacrificial
epithets and associations of the divinities. As the sacrifice has been
growing under the eyes of the poets, their ideas and expressions are
bound to be influenced by the sacrificial associations of the gods.

AGNI:

Thus, when we try to see the position of Agni in the Rgvedie
sacrifice, we cannot fail to notice an outstanding feature of
his role. Though as divinity, Agni was the end in view of
the sacrifice, he was also looked upon as a means of performing the
sacrifice. His former aspect entitled him to secure a place of equality
along with the other gods. The latter aspect, as a means of sacrifice,
could have however dragged him down to a position of subordination
to the other gods. But, throughout the whole of the Rgveda, we
do not come across any expression, which can be said to undermine
the importance of Agni in his relation with the other deities. The
large number of hymns in the Rgvedie collection, written in honour
of Agni 3 also indicates the fact that throughout the whole period
of the growth of sacrifice, whatever the vicissitudes of the other
gods, the importance of Agni never decreased, not even when the
soma-cult and the Indra-worship attained prominence.

In a number of ways, the very intimate relationship of Agni
with the sacrifice is expressed by the poets. As the sacrifice could
be performed only with the help of Agni and as the gods depended
entirely on Agni, to receive their share in the sacrifice, the gods
are referred to as ‘agnijivhah’ (1.44.14, 89.7; III.54.10; VI.21.11, 50.2,
52.13; VII.66.10; X.65.7). This is stated more specifically at (1.94.3,
and II.1.13, tve deva haviradanti ahutarh) that the gods receive the
oblations through him. Agni is also said to be bringing the gods
for receiving the oblations in the sacrifices V.1.11 (a ca devan
haviradyaya vaksi; cf. also VI.50.9 and VII.11.5). This dependence
of the gods on Agni may give an impression of their weak position.
To remove it, they are said to have established Agni for the sake
of sacrifice (cf. II.4.3; III.29.7; VIII.19.2, agnim deva dadhanvire

3. Nearly 200 out of 1028.

SACRIFICE IN THE ftGVEDA

adhvaraya). The idea is expressed more clearly by pointing out
the advantageous position of Agni at VII.11.4 (agnirise brhato
adhvarasya, agnirvisvasya havisah krtasya | kratum hi asya vasavo
jusanta, atha deva dadhire havyavaham ]|), where the gods are said
to have ascertained the advantages of Agni’s position and his ability
and thereafter, to have established him as the carrier of oblations.

His epithet as the priest of the sacrifice (Hota yajnasya) is
apparently suggested by the similarity in function with that of the
mortal priest. As such, he is said to be knowing the sacrifice (III.11.1,
sa vedo yajnamanusak cf. also III.10.2, 11.1). But as Agni carries
the oblations straight to the gods, he is said to be sacrificing to the
gods earlier than the mortal priest (II.3.3, devan yaksi manusat
purvo adya) or in general, offering the sacrifice to the gods (II.3.3;
III.9.7; V.21.1; VI.11.1; X.53.1). It is Agni who is said to be instru¬
mental in successfully terminating the sacrifice and thus bringing

the fruits of the sacrifice (IV.2.5 goman aviman, asvl.yajnah).

It is thus that he is said to be protecting the sacrifice (III.9.6, visvan
yadyajnan abhi pasi manuka and X.87.9.raksa yajriam). Sacri¬

fice is said to be possible on account of him (V.13.4, tvaya yajnam
vitanvate |). Sacrifice is said to be made perfect on account of Agni
(VI.10.1; VII.17.3,4). Agni is said to be assisting both at the begin¬
ning as well as the end of the sacrifice (VI.15.11, yajnasya va nisitirh
voditirh va tamit prnaksi ....). Agni is asked to play a glorious
role in the sacrifice (VI.16.2, adhvare. . . .yaja. . . .mahah) or raise
the status of sacrifice (VII.2.7, urdhvarh no adhvaram krtarh havesu)
among others. He is said to be the best sacrificer (VII.3.1, yajistha)
and hence made the chief at the sacrifice (VII.7.4, sadyo adhvare
rathirarh jananta [). His relationship in sacrifice, on one side with
the gods and on the other with the human beings is vividly described
at VII.9.1 (dadhati ketumubhayasya jantoh j havya devesu dravi-
nam sukrtsu). His place in sacrifice is quite unique. He is the first
among the gods as far as the sacrifice is concerned (VIII.23.18, devah
prathamo yajhiyo bhuvah) even though he is employed as a messen¬
ger by the gods (op.cit., visve hi tva sajo§asah devaso dutamakrata j).
To make clear this point about Agni receiving the foremost oblation
in the sacrifice apart from the other gods, a poet requests Agni to
offer sacrifice to his self (VI.11.2d, agne yajasva tanvarh svayaih
svam j).

There are a number of epithets to indicate that the sacrifice
started with Agni. In two exclusive epithets (X.140.5, adhvarasya
i§karta) and (IV.7.3, adhvarasya haskarta), it is indicated that Agni
being the originator, was the regulator of the scrifice (cf. also
‘yajfianam yanta’ III.13.3, and ‘yajnanam pita’, III.3.4). Manu is said
to have laid him as the priest even like the gods (VI.16.9 hota manur-
hitah). To indicate his association with the sacrifice right from its

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

beginning, he is said to be the first priest (1.94.6, purvyah hota;

VII. 11.1, prathamah hota; X.88.4, prathamah devajusto hota;

VIII. 11.10, hota sanat). Similarly compare 1.1.1, yajnasya rtvik;
yajnesu purohitah 1.44.10. It may be noted here that when the
epithets are exclusively used of Agni and when the poets employ
the words ‘iskarta’ ‘yanta’ and ‘pita’ to describe Indra, 4 the word
‘adhvarasya’ is dropped, indicating the peculiar connection of Agni
with the sacrifice, which Indra could never form.

As the sacrifice originated with Agni, he naturally came to be
designated as the leader of the sacrifice. Thus he gets the epithets,
‘adhvarasya praneta’ (III.23.1), ‘yajnasya neta’ (II.5.2; III.15.4),
‘adhvaranam rathih (1.44.2), ‘yajnarh visiksuh’ (II.1.10), ‘yajna-nih’
(1.15.12), ‘adhvaranam samrat (1.27.1), ‘adhvaranam abhisrih’ (VIII.
44.7). His role in taking the sacrifice to the gods gave him the epithet
‘Hota’ and he came to be referred to as ‘hota prathamah devajustah’
and ‘pratnah hota’ (II.7.6), ‘ilah prathamah hota’ (III.4.3), ‘rtasya
adhruk hota’ (X.61.14), ‘purohitah’, ‘puroyava’, pota (VII.16.12). As
the kindling of fire came to symbolize the sacrificial performance,
he came to be called ‘adhvaranam anikah (X.2.6), ‘yajnasya ketuh’
(X.1.5, VIII.44.10, etc.), ‘adhvaranam ketuh (III.10.4), ’adhvarasya
praketah (VII. 11.1). As no sacrifice could be performed without
Agni, he is said to be ‘hota visvesarh yajnanarh (VI.16.11). This
indicates that even with the predominance of Indra worship, the
importance of Agni had not decreased. That the sacrificial perform¬
ance could not be completed without Agni, is indicated by the deno¬
minative form ‘adhvarlyasi’ exclusively used with Agni at II. 1.2.
His beneficent help in the sacrifices gives him the epithets 'adhvarasya
santamah’ (1.77.2) or ‘yajnanarh abhisasti-pava (1.76.3), or ‘yajna-
sadhah’ (1.96.3), ‘adhvaresu sadhuh (V.1.7), ‘yajna-bandhuh’ (IV.1.9).
With long tradition of sacrifice in view, he came to be referred to as
‘sanat hota’ (VIII.11.10), ‘yuge yuge havyavahah (VI.15.8).

His association with a number of oblations, has given him the
epithets like ‘ghrtannah’ (VII.3.1), ‘ghrtakesah’ (VIII.60.2), ‘sarpir-
annah’ (X.27.18), ‘ghrta-yonih’ (III.4.2, V.8.6), ‘ghrtasnuh’ (V.26.2),
‘soma-gopah’ (X.45.5) and in general ‘visvasya havi§ah varenyah
hota (X.91.1). Occasional animal sacrifice is indicated by his epithets
like ‘uksanna’, ‘vasanna’ (VIII.43.11). It will be noted that the
majority of epithets, based on ‘ghrta’ indicate that it was ‘ghrta’
that was actually offered in large quantities in fire. Soma, even
though it was employed in sacrifices, was not actually poured in large
quantities in fire 5 and hence the paucity of epithets based on ‘soma’.
As he figured prominently in sacrifices where gifts were given by
patrons, he came to be called ‘Bharatah’ (Agni of the Bharatas) at

4. Iskarta at VIII.I.2, 99.8; Yanta X.22.5; Pita III 31.12 etc.

5. Cf. Chapter V below.

43 SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

II.7.1, ‘Daivodasah’ at VIII.103.2. His association with the priestly
families gives him epithets like ‘ahgirastamah’ (1.31.2) ‘kanvatamah’
and ‘kanvasakha’ (X.115.5).

Even though Agni is usually said to be going to the gods, they
are also said to be coming to him in order to emphasize the import¬
ance of Agni (X.20.6, sa hi ksemo haviryajnah srustidasya gatureti j
Agnim deva vasimantam).

Sacrifice had come to be conceived as being essential for the
good of the society. This is indicated at 11.35.12 (asmai bahunarh
avamaya yajnaih vidhema), where Agni is said to be worshipped
with sacrifices for the good of all. This is made clear at a number
of other places, emphasizing the role of Agni in those performances.
Thus at II.2.1 (dyuksam hotaram vrjanesu dhursadaifi), Agni’s pre¬
dominance in sacrifice is referred to. At X.2.3 (so adhvaran kalpa-
yati), Agni is said to be fashioning the sacrifices. In general sacrifices
are said to be centring round him (V.9.2, sam yajhasah caranti yam).
Indispensability of Agni in sacrifices is indicated at X.91.8 (tamin-
mahe vrnate nanyarh tvat). At X.4.1 (dhanvanniva prapa asi tvama-
gne iyak§ave purave), Agni is said to be the ‘oasis’ in the desert for
the sacrificing people, indicating the gratefulness of the poet for the
existence of Agni that is making the sacrificial performances possible.

It is this unique position of Agni in the sacrificial system as
expounded above, that has maintained his importance in all the
stages of the evolution of the sacrifice.

INDRA :

The number of hymns written in honour of Indra in the Rgveda, n
is indicative of his general importance in the midst of the Vedic
pantheon, in the same way as of his importance in the system of
sacrifice. Though he is so vitally associated with the growth of the
sacrifice, all the hymns in his honour cannot be said to have been
composed for the purposes of fresh sacrificial performances. In the
case of some of the hymns like the Danastutis, which are written
specifically on the occasion of sacrificial performances in honour of
Indra and some other divinities, as also of some other hymns (vide
Chapter XI), the sacrificial association is quite obvious. But in the
case of a large number of them, it cannot be said with any reasonable
certainty how far they were meant for the sacrifice. At places, the
poets refer to theirs as fresh compositions in honour of the divinity
(cf. VIII.26.1, uktham navlyah). 7 After the composition of new
hymns, we do not know how often they were employed for the
sacrificial performances. The ‘soma’ hymns in the ninth Mandala
would indicate very possibly that those hymns were composed for

6. Nearly one-fourth of the total number.

7. For the idea of Indra being asked to compose a hymn, cf. VI.18.15 and Chapter II.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

fresh performances as they very often repeat the same ideas about
the process of pressing out the soma juice.

As the ‘soma’ hymns are mainly associated with Indra, his pre¬
dominant position in the growth of the sacrifice can be easily realised.
At whichever stage, Indra and Soma may have come to be associated
with the sacrifice, the latter has grown in importance rapidly on
association with them. This popularity of Indra worship indicates
the fact that the god’s help was solicited frequently on account of
the prevalence of pretty unsettled condition of life, necessitating
almost constant warfare, wherein the help of the warlike god was
essential. Thus, in the hymns of the Rgveda, we find the sacrifice
appearing dominant on account of its relation with Indra but when
life had settled down and the help of Indra was not required to the
same extent, the importance of Indra steadily decreased, sacrifice
retaining its importance for quite different reasons. In a general
way, we can say that the sacrifice was growing with the idea of
divinity in the Rgveda. The emphasis was however shifted in the
days of the Brahmanas and hence the god came to be relegated to
a secondary position in the system of sacrifice during that period.

In the days of the Rgvedic hymns however, the importance of
Indra among the gods of the Rgvedic pantheon as well as in the
system of sacrifice can be noticed obviously. It appears to have been
confirmed by the opposition that the Indra-cult had to face. The
efforts of the opponents of the Indra worship and the sacrifice 3 appear
to have worked towards its stabilisation by the sthupa-nikhanana
nyaya. 0

The intimate association of Indra with the sacrifice is indicated
by significant epithets and expressions, next in profusion only to
those going with Agni.

The popularity of Indra and the sacrifice appear to have grown
side by side. The simplicity of the approach to the warrior god,
reflects the simplicity of the mode of worshipping him or the simpli¬
city of the sacrifice.

Even though the most impressive of the sacrificial performances
appear to be those in honour of Indra and though the profusion of
the offering of the rich soma-juice is said to be delightful to him,
the soma-juice does not appear to be indispensable for approaching
him. Among the rival patrons, he may be preferring the oblations
of the more liberal soma-presser but he does not appear to be dis¬
tinguishing between his worshippers in general. This aspect of the
relationship between the worshippers and Indra, has been rightly

8. Vide Chapter IX below.

9. The maxim of shaking the post to make it firm in the pit.

S. a.- i

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

expounded as the ‘devotion’ of the later days. 10 Thus it is said at
1.101.6 (yah surebhirhavyo yasca bhirubhiryo dhavadbhirhuyate
yasca jigyubhih j) that Indra can be worshipped by people of all
abilities and temperaments. X.105.4 (sacayorindrascarkr$a an upa-
nasah saparyan) describes him as accepting the oblations as soon
as he would come across a worshipper. If Indra’s popularity were
not known, this would give an impression that Indra-worship was
not popular, but this merely appears to indicate the simplicity and
the loving nature of the god.

It is indicated in a number of places as to how the popularity
of sacrifice has grown by the influence and assistance of Indra. Thus,
Indra is said to have helped the sacrificial performances (III.10.15b,
yajnaya sik?a grnate sakhibhyah) or prospered them (III.40.3, yajnam

.pratira). At the same time, the sacrifice is also said to have

helped Indra (III.32.12, yajno hi te Indra vardhano bhut; VI.38.4,
vardhat yam Indram yajnah; cf. also VI.40.4, VIII.12.20, 13.17, etc.),
or his thunderbolt (III.32.12d, yajnaste vajram ahihatye avat).

Indra is said to be making the sacrifice mighty (IV.23.1, maham
avrdhat hoturyajnam). Indra’s help to the sacrificer is referred to
at VI.28.2 (Indro yajvane prnate ca siksati uped dadati na svarh
musayati | bhuyo bhuyo rayimasya vardhayan), where a touch of
his genuine affection for the worshipper is to be seen. Indra is said
to be very frequently praised in the sacrifices (VI.34.2, ekah puru-
praiasto asti yajnaih I). Sacrifice is said to be delighting him (VIII.
13.11 (yajnah) samiddhi te). He is said to be foremost among the
gods to come and receive offerings in the sacrifices at VI.41.1cd
(gavo na vajrin svamoko accha Indra agahi prathamo yajniyanam),
where his eagerness for the offerings and affection for the worshippers
are conveyed by his comparison with the cows returning homeward.
Indra’s feat in eliminating the non-Aryans is comparable only with
his another feat in giving significant impetus to the sacrifice, cf. III.
53.2 (Hatvl dasyuh praryarh varnamavat), where he is said to have
protected the Aryans by striking down the Dasyus and VIII.6.22

(tavendra pranitisu . yajno vitantasayyah) and VIII.68.11

(yasya te svadu sakhyarh svadvl pranitiradrivah j yajno vitanta¬
sayyah), where in almost identical terms, different poets are refer¬
ring to the leadership of Indra which led to continuous sacrificial
performances and his agreeable friendship therefore.

The sacrificial epithets of Indra indicate his relationship with the
sacrifice in general and the soma in particular. It is interesting to note
how their epithets based on the association with the Angiras family
indicate the distinctive roles of Indra and Agni in the sacrificial
performances. Thus, with the function of Agni, similar to that of

10. RBV (Marathi) 1952.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

the priest of the sacrifice in view, Agni is identified with the Angirasas.
He is called ‘Ahgirah’ (1.31.17, 74.5, IV.3.15, etc.) or ‘Angirah r$ih
prathamah (1.31.1) or ‘Angirasam jyesthah’ (1.127.2) or ‘Ahgirasta-
mah’ (1.75.2, etc.). While, though Indra is said to be ‘Angirastamah’
at two places (1.100.4 and 130.3), very possibly because of his associa¬
tion with Agni (cf. Indra is called Agni at V.34.9), his position as
the deity of the sacrifice, as one who is meant to receive the oblations
and praises in the sacrifice appears to be always foremost in the
mind of the poet. Thus, because of the constant association of the
Angiras family with the Indra-soma ritual, he is said to be ‘Angiras-
van’ (11.11.20, VI.17.6). But unlike Agni his separate existence
from the family as one who is to favour them on account of their
worship, is clearly referred to. Thus he is said to be sung by the
Angirasas (‘Aiigirobhih gj-nanah’ II.15.8; IV.16.8; X.111.4) and as
one who accepts the prayers of the Angirasas (‘Angirasam ucatha
jujusvan II.20.5).

In a general way, he is said to be the protector of the singers
or sacrifices (avita karudhayah, VI.44.15; avita vidhantarii, VIII.2.
36; avita sunvatah vrktabarhisah, VIII.36.1). Agni is however said
to be merely a protector in general (III.19.5, X.7.7) or the protector
of sacrifice (III.21.3).

Indra appears to be a god with strong likes and dislikes as far
as sacrifice is concerned. Thus he is said to be eager for people,
who offer soma-juice (‘sutasomam iechan’, V.30.1, VII.98.1; ‘sakha
sunvatah’, 1.4.10, VIII.32.13) as he is eager for soma-juice (‘usan
somam’, IV.24.6, VII.98.2; ‘sute?u ranita, VIII.96.19) and prosper
them (sunvatah vrdhah’, V.34.6, VIII.98.5) by accepting their soma¬
pressing (‘ju§anah savanam, III.32.5, X.160.2). But he hates the
people who do not press the soma juice (V.34.6, ‘asunvato visunah).

He is said to know the sacrifice (adhvarasya praketah, X. 104.6)
or to be the bearer of sacrifices (yajnavahah, VIII.12.20). He is said
to be growing on account of sacrifice (‘yajnavrddhah’, VI.21.2 or
‘somavrddhah’, VII.39.7, VI.19.5) or accepting the sacrifice (jusapah
hotuh yajnarh, IV.23.1).

In this way, whereas Agni could be looked upon as a part of
the sacrifice, though occupying a unique position therein, Indra
appears to be considered as the guiding spirit of the sacrifice. In
fact, it can be said that if Agni is the body of the sacrifice, Indra
is it.* voul. Sacrifice could not have originated if Agni would not
have been there. But after origination, it could not have prospered
if Indra would not have been there.

The source of Indra’s inspiration was the soma-juice and hence
the majority of his epithets are based on his association with the
soma juice. As drinker of soma juice, he is said to be ‘papih somam’

SACRIFICE IN THE flGVEDA

(VI.23.4), ‘papivan sutasya’ (V.29.2), ‘paprih andhasah’ (1.52.3),
‘pata sutam’ (VI.23.3) or ‘pata somanam (VI. 93.3), ‘sutapah’ (IV.25.
7), ‘sutapavan’ (VI.24.9, VIII.2.7), ‘somapah’ (1.10.3, etc.), ‘soma-
patamah’ (VI.42.2, etc.). With very intimate association with soma
in view, he is called ‘somya’ (IV.25.2) and is even referred to as
‘soma’ (VIII.78.8). He is said to be possessed of ‘soma’ (‘somin’,
VIII.62.1) or eager for soma (‘soma-kamah’, II. 14.2; ‘vavasanah
somam, III.35.9) and is naturally the lord of soma (‘somapatih’ III.
32.1, V.40.1, VIII.21.3; ‘patih somanam VIII.93.33; ‘raja pradivah
sutanam’ III.47.1. cf. also VI.37.2, VI.20.3). With the general over¬
lordship of Indra in view, he is said to be the lord of soma, even before
it is pressed, (cf. VIII.64.3, tvamisi§e sutanam tvamasutanam |).

His continuous association with the sacrifice, indicative of
frequent sacrificial performances in his honour by different people,
is responsible for giving him the epithet “puruhuta”. 11 For the same
reason, at III.35.7, ‘Barhis’ (the sacrificial grass) is said to be his
abode. Here the poet describes the preparations made for Indra and
his horses (stirnam barhih suta Indra somah \ krta dhana attave te
haribhyam) and thus with the sacred grass as his abode, Indra is
said to be offered the oblations (tadokase purusakaya vrsne, marutvate
tubhyam rata havlrhi$i |). Unlike other gods, he was invoked in all
the ‘savanas’ (soma-pressings) 12 and hence he is said to be foremost
among all who receive the sacrificial offerings (X.50.4, yajhiyah
visve$u savane§u and hence VIII.96.4, yajniyanam yajhiyah). The
popularity of sacrifice in honour of Indra and the charm that his
name exercised are indicated at V.30.5 (srutyam nama bibhrat) and
VI.18.8, where he is referred to as ‘sumantunama’.

The ample soma juice offered to Indra in continuous perform¬
ances gives him the epithet ‘a vessel for placing the soma-juice’
(VI.69.6, Kalasah somadhanah). Indravayu are also similarly refer¬
red to (VI.69.2, kalasa somadhana), apparently for the same reason.
Indra is said to be growing on account of incessant sacrificial per¬
formances (VIII.24.18, aprayubhiryajhebhih vavrdhenyam |).

The idea of simplicity of approach or devotion towards the
divinity has been stressed as required in the sacrificial performance
and not merely the fact of his being an Aryan or a non-Aryan. Thus
at X.86.19 (ayamemi vicakasad vicinvan dasamaryam ] pibami
pakasutvanah), Indra is said to be distinguishing between the Dasas
and the Aryas but choosing the performance of a simple minded
person only.

Thus it will have been observed that in the approach to the
divinity, there is no emphasis on the mechanism of performance but
rather on the sentiment. It is this aspect of the Indra-worship, which

11. Employed about sixty times in the Rgveda.

12. Cf. Chapter V for ‘Savana’.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

must have appealed to the minds of the majority of the people and
won them over towards the worship, in turn increasing the popula¬
rity of the sacrifice in general.

SOMA :

In a broad way, it can be said that the two-fold aspect of soma,
viz., as the material of the sacrifice as well as the divinity are almost
inseparably mixed up. We cannot very clearly mark out any hymns
or portions thereof as being in description of the one or the other
aspect. It appears that as the material of sacrifice, which captured
the imagination of the Aryans, who took more and more to sacrificial
performances therewith, soma attained a special degree of import¬
ance, which no other material could hope to attain and it is for this
reason that it came to be associated with divinity at an early stage
of the sacrifice.

In a way, Agni and soma can be compared in respect of their
position in the sacrifice.

Both of them have a very significant place in the material set-up
of the sacrifice but at the same time, they have divinity associated
with them. The process of churning fire from the Aranis as well as
the pressing of the soma juice from the plant have been described
in detail very frequently in the hymns. Both of them are also
described as instrumental in bringing the gods to the sacrifice. But
their points of difference are also quite obvious. Agni’s divinity is
natural, while soma has come to be ascribed divinity due to the
peculiar circumstances under which the soma-ritual grew in import¬
ance in the days of the Egveda. Even regarding their role in the
sacrifice, Agni’s speciality lies in going to the gods either to invite
them or to carry offerings to them; while soma has to remain at the
place of sacrifice and attract the divinities towards the sacrificial
performance. This influence of soma however has grown to such an
extent that it has come to occupy a place in the fancy of the Rgvedic
poets, next in importance only to Agni as is also indicated by the
number of hymns in his honour. 13 Thus too, the number of hymns
becomes an indication of the importance of a divinity in the sacrifi¬
cial system.

The epithets and expressions connected with soma as the divi¬
nity or the material of the sacrifice are quite mixed up, though some
of them have significance only when soma is considered as the divi¬
nity. Thus like Agni and Indra, Soma is called ‘Angirastama’ (IX.
107.6), indicating the association of the Angiras family with the
soma-ritual, perhaps as the originators of the same. 14 Some epithets

13. Nearly 120 as compared with 200 in honour of Agni.

14. For Ahgirasas cf. Chapter VII below.

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

indicate the unique place of ‘soma’ in the sacrifice, cf. IX.2.10, 6.8,
Atma yajnasya purvyah’; IX.7.3, ‘Agriyah’; IX.86.45 ‘Agregah’;
etc. 16 They can be construed with both the aspects of‘soma’. Some
of them however can be significant only with the divinity of ‘soma’
in view. cf. IX.48.4, ‘rtasya gopah’; IX.96.13, ‘j-tava’; IX.42.5, ‘fta-
vrdhah’; IX.86.10, 87.2, ‘devanam janlta’; IX.86.10, 109.4, ‘devanam
pita’; IX.96.6, ‘devanam brahma’.

ASVINS :

Like Indra and soma, they are referred to as ‘Ahgirasvanta’
(VIII.35.14), indicating the association of Asvins with the soma-ritual.
Their worship by the Jamadagni family is also referred to (VIII.101.
8, ‘gpnana jamadagnina). Like Indra and Agni, they are said to be
knowing the sacrifice and bearing the burden of the sacrifice (VIII.
10.4, ‘pracetasa adhvarasya yajnasya’ and 1.15.11, yajnavahasa).
Popularity of their worship is indicated by their being called ‘puru-
huta’ like Indra (VI.63.1) 16 and ‘asmayu’ (VII.74.4) along with Indra
and Soma. Their association with the Rbhus 17 gives them the
epithet ‘rbhumanta’ (VIII.35.15). They are said to be going to the
sacrifice (VI.62.2, cakramana yajnam a), brightening the sacrifices
(VIII.8.18, adhvaranam rajantau) and prove to listen to the invoca¬
tions (V.75.5, VIII.8.7, ‘havana-sruta’). Their association with the
soma-ritual gives them a number of epithets. (1.46.12, ‘pipratau
made somyasya’) delighting in the soma-juice; (III.58.7, ‘ju$ana tiro-
anhyam), accepting the overnight-kept soma-juice. Their drink of
soma or honey gives them the epithets, ‘madhuyuva’ (V.73.8, 74.9),
‘madhupau’ (1.119.9); as a result of it, they are also said to be of the
colour of soma or honey, ‘madhuvarnau’ (VIII.26.6). Their chariot
is said to be inspired by the pressing-stones on account of their asso¬
ciation with the soma-pressing (III.39.8, ‘adrijuta’) or proceeding
along the path of ghee, (VII.69.1, ‘ghrtavartanih; V.77.3, ‘ghrtasnuh’).
The epithet ‘sindhumatara’ (1.46.2) very possibly signifies the river
Sindhu being the place of origin of their worship. It may be noted
that the epithet “sindhumatar’ is used of Soma, Maruts and Saraswati
and the association with soma-ritual is indicated at IX.61.7 (m^janti
tam dasa ksipo....). At X.78.6 and VII.36.6, the word ‘sindhu’
appears to be used in the sense of the river of that name. As the
river Saraswati is known for sacrificial association, 18 and as Maruts
are associated with Indra and thereby with the soma-ritual, the
epithet concerned has apparently got the sacrificial association in
view.

15. For details cf. Chapter V under ‘Soma’.

16. Their chariot is also called ‘puruhuta’ at X.41.2.

17. Rbhus fashioning a chariot for Asvins 1.20.3‘ b .

18. Cf. Saraswati in Chapter IV.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

The reference to the help rendered by Asvins to Atharvana
Dadhyac (cf. 1.80.16, 116.12, 139.9; VI.16.14; IX.108.4), in order to
know the secret of the chant known to him also indicates the exist¬
ence of the soma-chant of mystical significance in connection with
the soma-ritual, with which they were associated. It may be noted
that the association of Dadhyac with soma is referred to at IX.108.4
iyena navagva dadhynnapornute). At VI.16.14 Dadhyac is referred
to as the son of Atharvan, who has clear association with the growth
of Rgvedic ritual. 13 At 1.139.9, Dadhyac is mentioned along with
Atri, Kanva, Priyamedha and Angirasas — all of them connected
with the ritual of the time. At 1.80.16, the sacrificial rite and hymn
with which Dadhyac is associated is referred to (yamatharva manus-
pita dadhyah dhiyamatnata .... tasmin brahmani. . . .).

Some epithets used of the chariot and the horses of Asvins also
indicate their association with sacrifice. Thus, their chariot is said
to be ‘madhuvahanah’ (1.34.2, 157.3), ‘madhunah drtih’ (IV.45.1), etc.
and the horses are said to be ‘rtayujah’ and ‘madhumantah’
(VII.71.3).

Asvins appear to be mainly associated with the morning sacrifice
as their epithet ‘prataryavana’ (V.77.1, II.39.2), repeated in the case
of their horses as ‘usarbudhah’ (1.92.18; IV.45.4) and the chariot as
‘prataryava’ (X.40.1) ‘prataryuj’ (X.41.2), would indicate.

They are said to have inspired worship among people from very
ancient times and it appears to have extended over a wide region
as indicated at VIII.7.21 (na hi sma yaddha vah pura stomebhir
vrktabarhi§ah ! sardhan rtasya jlhvatha). In the preceding stanza
(v.20), the poet has raised the point of their possible detention else¬
where (kva nu madathah), indicating that it was worship offered
elsewhere (brahma ko vah saparyati); he continues by remarking
in v.21 that, it was possibly on account of the people, whom they
had inspired to sacrifice in old days. The reference to ‘brahma’ may
indicate that the worship originated with the Aryans though it is
known to be associated with the non-Aryans too from very old days.

The association of Asvins with the non-Aryan worshippers is
indicated elsewhere. 20 As Asvins are said to be going to far-off
places (cf. VIII.5.31) to accept the gifts of the Dasa worshippers and
staying there, it appears that the worship has spread to those places.
This appears to have become possible mainly because of the essential
nature of the Asvins as the helpers or the healers. There are all
sorts of people among their proteges. As Indra is known for his
manly deeds (paumsya or Indriya), Asvins are known for their
helping deeds. 21

19. Vide ‘Atharvan’, Chapter VII.

20. Cf. 1.47.7 and VIII.5.31 discussed in Chapter VIII.

21. Cf. 1.112 where the ‘Utis’ are stressed.

na SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Though the individual existence of the two .Asvins is not as
clearly referred to as in the case of the three Rbhu brothers, they
are known to be different (cf. 1.181.4, iheha jata samavavasitamare-
pasa tanva namabhih svaih j jisnurvamanyah sumakhasya surirdivo
anyah subhagah putra uhe ii) where they are said to have their own
bodies and names. Their distinction is made clearer in cd, where
one of them is said to be connected with the sacrifice and the other
as the son of the Heaven. This would indicate that they were almost
considered to have divine origin and their distinction was not such
as could be distinctly specified. It is possible therefore, that they
have also attained divinity in a similar way as the Rbhus. It is
significant that the epithet ‘nara’, which is used with Indra (indi¬
cating his manly strength) and Indragnl about twenty times and
with Maruts for the same reason about 18 times, is used of Aivins
about sixty times in the Rgveda. Remembering the fact that Asvins
are not known for their manly strength and that they have helped
people from all strata of society, it is possible that the epithet signifies
their human origin and that they have been deified on account of
their miraculous deeds in general and sacrificial service in particular,
which perhaps proved to be a precedent for ascribing divinity to
the Rbhus.

Out of all the deeds of the Asvins, the one that appears to have
vital connection with the evolution of the sacrifice was the one,
where they are said to have secured the secret of the soma-chant
through Dadhyac (1.116.12). Their association with the soma-ritual
is also indicated by reference to the Janhavi praja, offering them
(savanas) thrice a day (1.116.19, trirahno bhagarh dadhatim. . . .).
Regarding the ‘madhu’ or the soma-chant, it is referred to as a secret
of Tvastr (1.117.22, sa vam madhu pra vocadrtayan, tva?tram yadda-
sravapikak§yarh vam). This reference brings the story nearer to
that of the Rbhus. 22 The deeds of the Rbhus and Asvins are almost
similar in point of miraculousness. In fact, Rbhus may appear to
be associates of Asvins as is suggested by their fashioning a chariot
for them (1.20.3). The most significant deed of the Itbhus } s to make
the cup of Tvastr into four, while Asvins are said to have taken
away a secret of sacrificial importance from Tvastr. Both these
references indicate the importance of Tvastr in the evolution of the
soma-ritual, which appears to have been amended by Asvins and
the Rbhus to a certain extent.

Thus ASvins appear to have played a significant role in the
evolution of the soma-sacrifice and as such continue to be associated
with the soma-ritual (cf. 1.34.3, 47.4, madhva yajnam mimik$atam).
They are associated with the soma-sacrifice of the Kapva and Pajra

22. Cf. my paper on Rbhus (B.U.J. Vol. XXI September 1952).

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

families (1.47.2, 10; 1.117.10). A simile employed at 1.116.24
(somamiva sruvena) would also suggest the same fact.

TVA$TR AND RBHUS :

Rbhus are said to have fashioned the sacrifice in association
with Pusan (III.54.12cd, Pusanvanta rbhavo madayadhvamurdhva-
gravano adhvaramatasta). That the Rbhus were human beings, who
came to be associated with divinity on account of their significant
service to the evolution of soma-ritual by fashioning four cups in
place of the earlier one by Tvastr, has been amply stressed in the
Rbhu hymns. 23 Tvastr’s role in the evolution of the sacrifice at an
earlier stage has been indicated above and it is possible that Tva§tr
also had come to be associated with divinity like the Rbhus at the
time.

VARUNA:

The influence of Varuna in the sphere of individual as well as
social morality is quite well known. It is through him that the
ideas about religion and ethics came to be co-ordinated in the con¬
ception of Rta, which was predominantly associated with him. It is
possible that the Rta dwindled down in importance along with
Varuna. At one stage, Rta must have influenced the idea of divinity
as well as of the sacrifice. The gods are said to be born in Rta (rtejah),
protectors of Rta (rtapah), growing on account of Rta (rtavrdhah)
etc. and as the idea of gods was developing along with the idea of
sacrifice, the influence of Rta on the idea of sacrifice can be self-
evident. But with the change in the emphasis on the nature of the
ultimate reality, shifting gradually in the direction of the divinities,
this abstract idea of Rta could not culminate into a unique reality
as it would have done otherwise. The transition from the idea of
individual divinity to joint-divinities, to all-divinities-as-one (viive-
devas) idea, to a creator divinity or divinities (Prajapati or Visva-
karman), to concrete unitary principles like Puru?a and Hiranya-
garbha, indicates the gradual change in the emphasis from the initial
idea of divinity. This must have gradually detracted the attention
of the thinkers from the Rta and by the time the more searching
investigation was directed towards the abstract principle in the
Nasadiya Sukta (X.129), the idea of Rta seems to have already lost

its enviable place in the thought-world of the Aryans.

Varuna has no doubt been associated with the soma ritual (1.24.11,
tadasaste yajamano havirbhih), where the sacrificers are said to be

23 ' ai< ! 20; I; 110 e ll 1: J' 161; l 11 ' 60; IV - 33 ' 34 • 35, 36, 37; VII. 48. For a detailed

Vo^ xXI 1 e F ym T Cf ; pap , er "^ bhus in th e Rgvedic sacrifice” (B.UJ.
Vol. XXI 1952). For Tvastr also cf. Chapter IV under ‘camasa’

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

offering oblations to him or (1.24.17, yato me madhvabhj-tam hoteva
k$adase), where ‘soma’ is said to be offered to him. As the creative
principle, he is said to have deposited ‘soma’ on the mountain (V.85.2,
adadhat somamadrau). Some chant of mystical significance is asso¬
ciated with him at (VII.87.4, uvaca me varuno medhiraya, etc.) which
is said to have remained an exclusive secret with him. In association
with Mitra, he is said to be receiving offerings of ghrta. Thus Mitra-
varuna are said to be ‘ghrtayoni’ at V.68.2, ‘ghrtasnu’ at 1.153.1,
‘ghrtacim dhiyam sadhanta’ at 1.2.7, ‘ghptannau’ at VI.67.8 and
‘ghrtasuti’ at 1.136.1 and 11.41.5.

These few references however do not indicate any great import¬
ance attached to him in the sacrificial set-up. It is quite possible
to imagine that Varuna was an older divinity, associated with sacri¬
fice at an earlier stage because the idea of the divinity existed from
very ancient times. This ancient character of Varuna is apparently
indicated by references to Indra, Agni and Aivins as younger gods.
Thus whereas Varuna is said to have planted the soma-plant on the
mountain (V. 85.2, see above), Indra is said to be drinking soma-
juice as soon as he was born (1.61.7, III.32.9, 10; 48.2, 3; VII.98.3).

As an ancient divinity, sacrifice came to be associated with
Varuna with the earlier offering of ghrta 24 as is indicated above;
but the sphere of his activity being different, he could never attain
a significant place in the growing ritual. His association with Rta
must have influenced the idea of sacrifice and provided a theoretical
basis for it. But as the sacrifice began to grow more in its practical
outlook than was associated with Varuna and the Rta, Varuna does
not appear to have caught the popular fancy as did the warlike god
Indra. The popularity of soma-juice as an offering in the sacrifice
must have brought Indra into prominence. Though soma has been
associated with Varuna, it does not appear to have been a popular
offering with him partly because of the old association of ghrta and
partly because of the intoxicating character of the drink, which could
not quite fit in his association with Rta. And thus it appears that
with the growing popularity of Indra and the soma-ritual, Varuna
and the idea of Rta faded into insignificance.

U$AS :

With their worship of Indra and Aivins, Angirasas appear to
have promoted the worship of U§as too, as she is designated ‘Angi-
rastama’ (VII.79.3). With the morning sacrifices in view, she is said
to be the first in the invocations (1.123.2, purvahutau prathama) or
leading the sacrifice (VI.65.2, nayanti j-tasya agram) and therefore
she is said to be ‘the banner of sacrifice’ (1.113.19, ketuh yajnasya).

24. Vide ‘ghrta’ in Chapter V.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE .59

But beyond these few references, she does not appear to have been
instrumental in any significant way in the growth of sacrifice in the
days of the Rgveda. 26

MARUTS:

Maruts are associated with a number of sacrificial epithets, very
possibly on account of their association with Agni and Indra, though
their place in the Rgvedic pantheon as well as the sacrifice appears
to be one of secondary importance. They are said to be going to
the sacrifices (III.26.6, yajnam gantarah), associated with the sacri¬
fices (11.36.2, yajnaih sammislah) or as bearing the burden of the
sacrifices (1.86.2, yajnavahasah) and therefore being the glory of the
sacrifices (adhvarasriyah, X.78.7).

Their association with Agni and the sacrifice wins them the
epithets ‘agnisriyah’ at III.26.5 and ghrtapru?ah’ at X.78.4. They
are referred to as saerificers, indicating their subordinate role (1.39.
9, VIII.7.33, ‘prayajyuh’; 1.86.7, V.55.1; 87.1; VI.48.20, ‘prayajyavah’,
‘subarhi$ah’ at VIII.20.25, ‘vrktabarhisah’ at 1.38.1, VIII.7.20 and
‘yatasrucah’ at 11.34.11. Their association with a priestly family
gives them an exclusive epithet ‘sobhartyavah’. Poetically, they are
said to be worshipping in the heaven (V.54.1, diva a prsthayajvane
marutaya. .. .). Their worship in the sacrifices, where they are said
to be assuming sacrificial names 20 is referred to at 1.72.3, 87.5,
‘namani cid dadhire yajniyanf; VI.48.21, tvesarh savo dadhire nama
yajniyam.

A number of other divinities were also apparently worshipped
in the sacrifices but none of them appears to have promoted the
sacrifice in a very marked way to evoke any significant epithets.
They are given epithets, already used of other divinities. Thus
Rudra is said to be ‘medhapati’ (1.43.4), ‘yajriasadhah’ (1.114.4),
‘hota’ (IV.3.1). Pusan is said to be ‘rtasya rathlh (VI.55.1), Vi$nu
is said to be ‘ghrtasutih’ (1.3 56.1). Aditya is said to be ‘prathamah
purohitah’ (X.66.13) and Adityas are said to be ‘agnijivhah’ (III.54.
10) and adribarhah’ (X.63.3).

Though none of these gods individually appears to have played
any significant role in the sacrifice, the group of Visvedevas appears
to mark an important stage in the growth of the religious as well
as the sacrificial system.

VISVEDEVAS :

In general, it is recognised that the conception of Visvedevas
has been introduced for the purposes of the sacrifice. 27 But it does

25. RVB pp. 69-74, where lie tries (o see sacrificial association with the epithets
of U§as. Cf. also ‘Daksina’ in Chapter V below and RVL pp. 332 F N 3

26. Cf. Chapter X.

27. VMM p. 130; RIH p. 137; ASL pp 281-82; RVL p. 298.

fiO

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

not appear to have been realised that it was a purposeful innovation
introduced by the thinkers of the time to serve the cause of sacrifice
in particular.

As Max Muller believes, 28 the idea of Visvedevas was apparently
later in origin. It appears to have been necessitated by the stress
of circumstances. It can be understood that when the worship of
individual gods was developing, some ideas about their relative
importance must be occurring to the minds of the worshippers. It
was quite natural that the different worshippers would consider
their divinities as greater. As a result, there must have arisen a
clash of ideas, affecting the course of sacrificial performances. In
a way, this ideological clash must have given an impetus to the idea
of sacrifice, which the votaries must have started pursuing more
vehemently. But the thinkers of the time must have realised this
tendency to be harmful to the general progress of the sacrifice.

Though it cannot be said with any precision, the idea of the
joint divinities like Indragni, Mitra-Varuna, etc., appears to be
earlier in origin than that of the Visvedevas. In the field of the
growth of religious and philosophical thought, it led the way to the
growth of the idea of one divinity and that of unity. 29 In the field
of sacrifice, it removed all the causes of friction and smoothened
the course of sacrifices. It can thus be realised as to how sacrifice
has influenced the growth of the religious as well as the philosophical
thought of the time.

Of all the gods in the Visvedeva group, Agni appears to have
retained his place of importance, being indispensable for sacrificial
performances. But the form of worship as it was associated with
one divinity or the other was changing as is indicated at 1.105.4
(yajnarh ppcchami avamarh sa tadduto vivocati | kva rtam purvyam
gatam, kastad bibharti nutanah), where the poet is referring to the
disappearance of older form of worship and the existence of the
newer one. In a following verse also, the poet appears to be indi¬
cating the difficulties in the way of a person concerned with the
sacrifice, (cf. v.7, aham so asmi yah pura sute vadami kani cit j tarn
mam vyanti adhyah vrko na trsnajarii mrgarhi;), where the poet
indicates his knowledge of the past ritual but expresses his anxieties
about the growing ritual, which he does not appear to appreciate
fully. 30 An attempt to regulate the mode of worship can be observed
at VI.52.1 (ni hiyatamatiyajasya yasta), where a person overstepping
the usual limits in the mode of performance (atiyaja) is censured.

The common mode of worship of the various divinities in the
Viivedeva group must have been of a pretty liberal type, where

28. ASL p. 281.

29. RVL p. 297.

30. Cf. also III. 55.3.

GODS AND THE SACRIFICE

fil

all the gods would be attached equal importance and thus would be
expected to give equal gifts.

Among the various epithets employed about the Visvedevas,
their common agreement and ability to give equal gifts appear to be
the most significant. Thus with perfect accord, they are said to be
kindling the (sacrificial) fire (cf. X.101.1, udbudhyadhvarh samanasah
sakhayah samagnimindhvam bahavah sanllah |). Their agreement
was a pre-condition of their common worship and hence it is empha¬
sized at VIII.27.10 (asti hi vah sajatyam risadaso devaso astyapyarii j)
where their kinship and friendship have been referred to. (cf. simi¬
larly ‘sajo$asah’ at X. 126.1). At III.8.8, with common agreement,
they are said to be protecting the sacrifice and raising it up (cf.
sajo?aso yajnamavantu deva urdhvam krnvantvadhvarasya ketum).
This common agreement was apprently essential on account of some
clash about their relative greatness.

It appears that the growth of the Indra ritual had eclipsed com¬
pletely other rituals for some time; and therefore there was some
opposition to his worship inspite of his greatness. 31 With the growth
of the Visvedeva group, some must have liked to worship him along
with others. But with Maruts as his associates (whose leader he is
represented to be, cf. ‘Indra-jyesthah marudganah’ 1.23.8, 11.41.15),
he seems to have swept the field of sacrifice. This must have created
some heart-burning among the votaries of other gods, who must
have sponsored the idea of equal status for all the gods. As the
volume of general opinion must have been growing in favour of the
idea of Visvedevas, it was necessary to allow Indra to be included
in the Visvedeva group. With his sweeping influence, however, his
equality with all other gods could not be emphasized. At least it
does not appear to have been conceded by some, who wanted a dis¬
tinctive status for Indra on account of his towering greatness. It
is possibly thus that Indra has come to be represented as the head
of the Visvedeva group at a number of places, (cf. IV.54.5, VI.51.15,
VII.11.5, VIII.63.12, 83.9, X. 66.1, 70.4). Visvedevas are said to be
inspired by Indra at V.66.2 (Indraprasutah).

Indra may have retained his general importance later but Indra-
worship must not have risen to greater heights after the rise of the
Visvedeva group in the field of religion and sacrifice. Thus has the
emphasis changed from the greatness of Indra to the greatness of
all the gods in general, as is indicated by a characteristic hymn in
the Rgveda (III.55), where the refrain (cf. Mahaddevanamasuratva-
mekam) emphasizes the greatness of all the gods. All the gods are
said to be equally great without any distinction whatsoever at VIII.
30.1 (cf. na hi vo astyarbhako devaso na kumarakah visve sato
mahanta it |).

31. Cf. the view of 'anindras’ referred to in Chapter IX.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

This Visvedeva worship was centred round Agni as can be
inferred from the description in X.52, where Visvedevas are said to
have established Agni (V.l, auksan ghrtairastpnan barhirasma adid
hotaram nyasadayanta) and wherein Agni explains as to how he
was chosen as the priest. It is also supported by VIII.58.1 (yamrtvijo
bahudha kalpayantah sacetaso yajnamimam vahanti |), where the
noets are said to be carrying on with the scrifice by looking upon
Agni even as they do upon other gods. This would clearly indicate
how the conception of Visvedevas was considered quite essential
for the purposes of the sacrifice.

It is for this reason that the Visvedevas are asked to lead on the
sacrifice to progress (X.66.12; 101.2, praneam no yajriam pranayata
sadhuya).

The Visvedeva hymns fall in three categories according to the
need of the time and place where they came to be composed for the
worship of some or all the divinities together.

I Where Visvedevas only are mentioned without specifically
mentioning any particular divinity or divinities.

II Where some gods only are specifically mentioned.

Ill Where all the gods along with even the minor deities as
well as the implements of sacrifice would find a mention.
1.89, 90; III.20; VII.35 may be considered as characteristic hymns
belonging to the third category, where even the pressing stones and
the svarus 32 are referred to.

Like other gods, they are said to be ‘agni-jivhah’ (1.89.7, VI.50,
2, etc.) as being eager for the sacrifice (III.20.1, adhvaram vavasanah),
as knowing the sacrifice (X.66.1, adhvarasya pracetasah), as being
the glory of the sacrifice (X.66.8, adhvaranam abhisriyah). Their
assumption of names for sacrificial purposes is referred to at X. 63.2.
They are said to be praised by ‘sama hymns’ (1.107.2, samabhih stuya-
manah) and to be arranging the sacrifice (X.66.8, yajna-niskrtah).

Their significant contribution to the growth of the sacrifice and
through it to the prosperity of the Aryan society and all that the
Aryans considered as good and great, is referred to at X.65.11 (arya
vrata visj-jantah), where the Visvedevas are said to be spreading
the gospel of the Aryan religion.

Thus it will be realised that the ideas about divinity have given
positive impetus to the cult of sacrifice and at the same time the
sacrifice, as it was evolving, has influenced the ideas about religion
in general 33 and the divinity in particular.

32. Svarus: Cf. Chapter IV.

33. For more discussion of the point Cf. Chapter XIII.

Chapter Four

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

m T'JPTrT ^T: I (lV.7.7)

rt sT^rfar armPr ^ (vi. oi.u).

SYNOPSIS:—

Relationship with the hymns and the divinities—absence of big cities as
centres of sacrificial activity—performances on the banks of the rivers—the Nadl-
sukta—various rivers associated with sacrificial performances—

The place of performance—generally the household—epithets based on the
•Rta’—ideas underlying the epithets analysed—occasional disturbances—their causes
—prayer for accord in assemblies—

VedI—its importance—association with the Rta—Barhis as seat of the gods—
Yupa—word not always in the sacrificial sense—Sthurayupa—Svarus in III.8.
planted in a line at the place of sacrifice—idhma and samidh—

Ladles—juhu—upasecanl—darvi—sruc—sruva—ghrtaci—gharma as the vessel—
relative position of the fire and soma-ritual—

—Pressing stones—the upper and lower—the words—‘gravan’ and ‘adri’—
ulukhala—vanaspati—the ox-hide and the strainer—various vessels of soma-juice
at different stages—amatra—avabhrtha—asvattha—ahava, etc.—camasa—the relation
of the Rbhus with Tva?tr and Asvins—hotra, potra, etc.—vessels for the worship
of different divinities—caru—indications of the scene for a broad idea of sacrifice
—the scene of sacrifice as a nucleus for all cultural activity—

The scene of sacrifice occupies a very vital place in its relation¬
ship with the growth of the hymns on the one hand and that of the
divinities on the other. Both have attained importance and grown
in stature due to the central agency of the place of sacrifice, where
they could flourish. Thus we find the mention of certain regions
where sacrifice has flourished and also get a broad idea about the
situation wherein it was performed.

It is noteworthy that there is practically no mention of a parti¬
cular place as such where the sacrificial sessions were held frequent¬
ly. 1 Very probably, 2 big cities as capitals of a number of Chiefs had
not attained any definite shape where the growth of cultural life
could get momentum, though the existence of some fortified settle¬
ments cannot be lost sight of. This would also give an indication
that though the sacrifice had grown, it could not be imagined to have
attained a stage of regulated, orderly mechanical performance as
envisaged by the Brahmana texts. It would be so, for the very

1. Except perhaps Arjika VIII.7.29 which is described as ‘pastyavat’. It may indi¬
cate people as Macdonell imagines (V. I-II p. 62).

2. See Vedic Index II p. 254 etc.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

obvious reason that the foothold required for its systematic growth
was not available. The impetus that regular construction of a stage
must have given to a systematic development of dramatic perform¬
ances, was given by regular places of sacrificial performances to the
orderly and mechanical growth of the sacrifice in the days of the
Brahmanas. For want of such a stage, the performances of sacrifices
in the days of the Rgveda could not naturally attain any mechanical
character as in the later days.

Thus we find the sacrificial performances being held only on
the banks of certain rivers. Even the more important of them which
gave rise to the Danastutis appear to have been held on the banks
of the rivers. It is possible to surmise in fact, that the settlements
of the Aryans were mostly situated on the banks of the bigger rivers
and their tributaries and hence all events of social and political
importance have been associated with the names of certain rivers.

The hymn to “The Rivers” is noteworthy in this connection
(RV. X.75). It has been written by a poet belonging to the Priya-
medha family 3 called Sindhuksit perhaps significantly as he was
residing on the banks of the river Sindhu. The name also may
signify the fact that the persons were known not by the names of
any cities or provinces but by the names of the rivers indicating
also the fact of the Aryan settlements on the banks of the important
rivers. He has naturally mentioned the river Sindhu predominantly
(w.l, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9) either independently or along with the other
rivers.

In all, twenty-one rivers are mentioned by the poet and as the
poet has intended to glorify them as divinities he has referred to
them as travelling in the chariot like gods (X.75.9, sukham ratham
yuyuje — v.6, saratham yabhirlyase) and as being possessed of
prosperity (v.8, svasva sindhuh suratha, suvasa, hiranyayl; ). Though
we do not find any mention of their association with the sacrifice,
some of the river-s have apparently played a significant role in the
growth of sacrifice in those days as can be seen below. But even
the fact of their glorification in a hymn cannot be entirely devoid
of significance. Very possibly the important part played by them
in the growth of sacrifice on their banks has prompted the poet to
immortalise them in a hymn of this type.

ARJIK1YA 4

The river is mentioned only once at X.75.5, but the mention of
Arjlka at VIII.7.2a where Maruts are said to be going (yayur
nicakraya narah [ ), at IX.113.2 (A pavasva disam pata arjikat soma

3. Vedie Index II. p. 52 and 53 for Priyamedha and Praiyamedha.

4. Arjiklya—Vedic Index I. p. 62-3.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

.), at IX.65.23 and at VIII.64.11 [Ayam te (Indra!) priyah]

arjlklye madintamah], where soma-juice and Indra-worship are
associated with Arjikas, it would appear that the settlement of the
people on the banks of the Arjikxya 5 was taking active part in the
development of the soma-sacrifice.

GOMATI (3)

Besides its mention in the Nadisukta (X.75), Gomati 6 as a river
which was the scene of some soma-sacrifices, appears to be referred
to at two places, at V.61.19 7 (Esa kseti rathavitir maghava gomati-
ranu | parvatesu apasritah || ) where Rathaviti, who is described as
‘sutasoma’ in the previous stanza is stated to be residing and at
VIII.24.30 8 where too in a characteristic Danastuti, the residing place
of the patron is described as Gomati. From both these references
it would seem that the stream of the river Gomati flowing in the
mountains has been a scene of some active soma-worship.

DRSADVATI AND APAYA

At III.23.4, the rivers Drsadvati 9 and Apaya 10 are mentioned
as places, where Agni-cult was common (Dr§advatyarh manusa
apayayam sarasvatyam revad agne didlhi | ). They appear to be
rivers flowing in the vicinity of Sarasvati, and as such forming a
region of enthusiastic sacrificial activity, under the patronage of the
two Bharata princes Devasravas and Devavata, 11 who are mentioned
in III.23.2, (Amanthistha bharata revadagnim Devasrava Devavatah
sudaksam ] ).

PARUSNI

Parusni 12 is mentioned in neraly half a dozen passages in the RV.,
besides its mention in the Nadl-sukta (X.75.5b). It appears to be a
pretty big river (VII.18.8, Aditi—unbound and MahenadI VIII.74.15a)
and particularly as a large number of the enemies of Sudas were
drowned therein, as described at VII.18.8-9. At IV.22.2 13 , the meta¬
phor of his wearing the river as a covering or the reference to the
friendship with the river, only indicate the close association of Indra
i.e., sacrificial sessions on the banks of the river in honour of Indra.
In a similar way, Maruts, who are closely associated with Indra are

5. This will be another instance where the name of the people is given by the
residence on the banks of the river.

6. Vedie Index I. p. 238.

7. As it is a Danastuti and there is reference to his dwelling among Parvatas
the word Gomati would preferably be taken in the sense of the streams of
the river.

8. See Narya in Chapter VIII.

9. Vedic Index I. p. 374.

10. Vedic Index I. p. 58.

11. See Chapter VIII.

12. Parusni—Vedic Index I. p. 499-500.

13. (sriye parusnimusamana urnam, yasyah parvani sakhyaya vivye).

S.B,—5

SACRIFICE IN THE IJGVEDA

also associated with the river Parusnl at V.52.9 (Uta sma te paru§nya-
murna vasata sundhyuvah | ) and their association with sacrifice is
referred to in the following verse V.52.10 (Etebhirmahyam namabhih
yajnam vistara ohate | ), where they are said to be supporting the
sacrifice of the mortals. The river is more significantly mentioned
in a Danastuti at VIII.74.15,

Satyamit tva mahenadi paru$nyava dedisam ]

Nemapo asvadatarah savis^hadasti martyah J]

where the gifts of Srutarvan Arksa and savistha are praised 14 . They
are said to be keen worshippers of Agni and of whom Srutarvan
possibly belongs to the family of Anu, 16 whose fire is referred to
in this hymn (VII.74.4, Aganma vrtrahantamam jyestham agni-
manavam).

YAMUNA:

Yamuna 16 is referred to in three places. At X.75.5, the river
is mentioned along with Ganga, Sarasvatl, etc. At V.52.17, Yamuna
is associated with Maruts even as Paru§ni at V.52.9 and as the gift
is being referred to here, (9b, Ekameka sat a daduh j Yamunayam adhi
srutam ud radho gavyam mrje, ni radho a£vyam mrje | ), sacrificial
performances on its banks can easily be inferred. This is made
clearer at VII.18.19, where Yamuna along with Trtsus is said to have
protected Indra (Avadindram Yamuna Trtsavasca j) apparently by the
performances of soma-sacrifices in his honour.

VIPAT :

The close connection of Vipat 17 with Indra is indicated at two
places (III.33.1 18 and IV.30.11 19 ) which may imply some sacrificial
activity on the banks of the river. It is not mentioned in the Nadi-
sukta.

SUTUDRI:

Sutudri 20 is mentioned along with Vipat at III.33.1 and at
X.75.5. Perhaps there was not much habitation in the mountainous
part of its flow and hence no specific mention of sacrificial activity
occurs, though at its confluence with Vipat, it comes to occupy some
importance on account of some activity of political as well as sacrifi¬
cial nature, as indicated in III.33.

14. Cf. Chapter VIII.

15. Cf. Chapter VIII.

16. Yamuna—Vedic Index II p. 301.

17. Vipat—Vedic Index II. p. 301.

18. Where she is said to be flowing under orders of Indra.

19. Where the car of Usas is said to be broken on the river Vipas by Indra,
gO, AutudrI V.I. II. p. 385,

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

SARASVATI:

The river Sarasvati, 21 out of all the rivers mentioned in the
Nadl-sukta (X.75), has been glorified in three independent hymns
(VI.61; VII.95 and 96). Out of all the places in the RV., where she
is referred to, 22 her association with other gods and goddesses is
indicated in nearly two-thirds of the passages. This would indirectly
suggest that most of the major divinities as well as the minor ones
like Raka, Sinivall, etc., have grown on the banks of the river, which
could thus appear to have been an active witness of the evolution
and growth of the divinities through the medium of the sacrifice.
It is therefore natural that she should be styled as Naditama, Arhbi-
tama and Devitama at 11.41.16. Whoever came to be styled as
Pancajanas and who have played an active part in the growth of
the sacrifice, 23 are said to have been helped to grow by Sarasvati
(VI.61.12, pancha jata vardhayanti | ), also indicating the sacrificial
activity going on steadily on its banks. Thus Sarasvati is requested
to listen to the call in the sacrifice (VII.95.4, upasravat subhaga
yajne’smin )) or is said to be worshipped in sacrifice (X.17.7-9,
yajnamabhi naksamana havante; asmin barhisi madayasva — adhvare
tayamane havante etc.). The soma-sacrifice is associated with the
river Sarasvati when it is said that Indra is refreshed by her when
he drinks the soma-juice (X.131.5, yat suramam vyapibah saclbhih
Sarasvati tva Maghavannabhisnak ). At VII.96.2, where she is asked
to inspire gifts of patrons (coda radho maghonam) in a very general
way, it is obvious that a number of sacrifices were usually performed
on the banks of the river. Like Gomati, the river Sarasvati is refer¬
red to in the Danastuti of Citra, 24 (VIII.21.17-18). The gift of the
patron is praised in a very characteristic way by saying that the gift
can be given only by Indra, Sarasvati or Citra (V.17, Indro va
ghediyan magharh Sarasvati va subhaga dadirvasu | tvam va Citra
dasuse). This would indicate that though a number of soma-sacrifices
were going on on the banks of the river Sarasvati, where Indra must
be giving gifts liberally, the gift of Citra was particularly considered
as liberal. Citra alone, therefore, in comparison with all others
residing on the banks, is said to be the king, others being merely
kinglings, (V.18, Citra id raja rajaka id anyake j yake Sarasvatlm-
anu ! ), further indicating how a number of small kings too residing
on the banks of the river Sarasvati were performing sacrifices.

Thus because the sacrificial activity was so common on the
banks of the river Sarasvati, the poet is praying to Sarasvati that

21. V.I. II. pp. 434-37.

22. I. 89.3; I. 164.49; II. 30 8, 32.8. 41.16; III. 54.13; V. 42.12,43.11, 46 2; VI. 49.7,

50.12, 52.6. 61.2, 61.12. 14: VII. 9.5, 36.6, 39,5, 40.3, 95.4, 96.2; Vm. 21.17, 18;

54.4; X. 17.7, 30.12, 131.5, 184.2.

23. See Chapter VIII.

24. See Chapter VIII for Citra.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

they should not be required to go to other regions (VI.61.14, Ma tvat
k§etrani aranani ganma | ).

SINDHU :

The word Sindhu 25 is used in the sense of a stream in general
at a number of places. In the special sense of a river it is used at
about a dozen places, 20 out of which at one place only a patron
called Svanaya Bhavya 27 is said to be performing soma-sacrifice
on the banks of this river (amandan tsoman prabhare manlsa
sindhavadhi ksiyato bhavyasya j yo me sahasramamimlta savanaturto
raja srava icchamanah j|). This may indicate that it was not as im¬
portant a scene of sacrificial activity as Sarasvati was. It was a poet
residing on the banks of this big river who wrote the Nadi-sukta
(X.75) as his name Sindhu-ksit would indicate. He has glorified the
greatness of the river when he says that all the rivers join the
Sindhu (X.75.4, Abhi tva Sindho siiumin na mataro vasra ar$anti
payaseva dhenavah | yadasamagram pravataminaksasi), which alone
has apparently inspired the poet to place the river at the top of all
the rivers.

SUVASTU:

The river Suvastu 28 is mentioned in the Danastuti of Syava at
VIII.19.37 29 indicating the place of sacrifice where the gift was
given to the poet.

About twenty other rivers have also been mentioned in the
Rgveda 30 but their sacrificial association is not referred to, possibly
suggesting that their banks had not attained the place of importance
as strongholds of the Aryan civilization symbolised by the sacrifice.

PLACE OF PERFORMANCE :

The place where the sacrifice was actually performed, has been
variously referred to, indicative of the ideas with which sacrifice
was looked at by the poets, apparently interested in its growth.
Even though the measurement of the altar and the situation of three
fires, etc., are referred to, we do not come across any clear reference
to sacrificial halls specially erected for that purpose for permanent
use. The reference in general to the place of performance and also
the mention of the banks of a number of rivers, appear to indicate
that bigger sacrificial sessions were held on the open spaces near

25. Vedic Index II. p. 450.

26. I. 122.6, 126.1; IV. 54.6, 55.3; V. 53.9; VII. 95.1; VIII. 12.3, 25.14, 20.25, 26.18;
X. 64.9.

27. Svanaya Bhavya residing on Sindhu (I. 126.1). cf. Chapter VIII.

28. Vedic Index II. p. 460.

29. Chapter VIII.

30. Asikni. Urnavafi. Kuhha, Krumu, Gaiiga, Tr?tama, Marudvrdha, Mehatnu,
Rasa, Vitasta, Viball, Sipha, Svetya, Sadanira, Sarayu, Silamavati, Su^oma,
Susarju, Hariyupiya.

THE SCEHE OF THE SACRIFICE

the banks of the rivers, may be with temporary shelters erected for
the purpose 31 while a number of ordinary sacrifices were performed
in the house, where temporary arrangements appear to be made for
the purpose.

Thus in a very general way, we find reference to “The house of
the liberal patron” dasuso grham VII.74.4; VIII.13.10; VIII.22.3, etc.
or dasuso duronam III.25.4. At times, it is referred to merely as a
house (1.74.4, ksaye vesi havyani j VII.24.1, yonisfa Indra sadane
akari i also VII.70.2, VIII.76.2, etc.) With the skill of the sacrincer
in view, it was called ‘sukrtah duronam’ (IV.13.1, 1.117.2, 1.183.1).
With the purity of the place of worship in view, it was called ‘a pure
place’ (VII.41.6, sucaye padaya). With the soma-pressing of the
sacrificer in view, it was called ‘sutavato niskrtarh’ (III.58.9). Because
the people used to pay their homage to the divinities at the place,
it came to be designated ‘namasaspada’ at VIII.23.9 [upo enam
(Agnirii) jujusur namasaspade]. As gods would be delighted at the
place by receiving the offerings, the place was called ‘devanam
upamadam’ (III.5.5d). “The place of the fathers” at VIII.9.21
(Pituryona nisldathah) may refer to the place of sacrifice as well as
the altar where also the gods are said to be sitting (cf. ‘Hotr-sadana’
below). The word Vidatha 32 is also used in the sense of the place
of sacrifice at times IV.36.5 (vidathesu pravacyah), VII.84.3 (krtam
no yajnam vidathesu carum j ), VIII.11.2 (Tvamasi prasasyo vida¬
thesu).

By far the largest number of epithets employed to signify the
place of sacrifice are based on Rta. Thus ‘Rtasya Dhaman’ indicates
the place of sacrifice at 1.43.9 and at VII.36.5 (yajante asya sakhyam
vayasca namasvinah sva rtasya dhaman ! ). It is referred to as ‘rtasya
sadana’ or ‘rtasya sadana’ at 1.84.4 (sukrasya tva abhyaksaran dhara
rtasya sadane ; ) and VIII.9.10; II.34.13b (Rudra rtasya sadanesu
vavrdhuhj); as ‘rtasya sadma’ at III.5514 (rtasya sadma vicarami
vidvan j ), as ‘rtasya pada’ 33 at IV.5.9 (rtasya pade didyanamagnim);
as ‘rtasya panthah’ at VI.44.8 (rtasya pathi vedha apayi), when Indra
is said to drink soma in the place of sacrifice; as ‘rtasya durona’ at
VII.60.5 (ime rtasya vavrdhuh durone. .. .aditeh putrah), where gods
are said to be increasing in the place of sacrifice.

At about half a dozen places, 34 the word ‘vivasvatah sadana’
is used and it appears that, though it may refer sometimes to the
altar (III.51.3 and X.12.7), it indicates the place of sacrifice in

31. See below (V. 62.R).

32. Max Muller S.B.E. Vol. 46 p. 26; Geldner V.S. I. 147; Bloomefield J.A.O.S.
19.12: Vedic Index II. pp. 296-7.

33. See below under 'altar’, where it is also construed as ‘Vedi’. Some words
are vague and may mean either.

34. I. 53.1; III. 34.7, 51.3; X. 12.7; 75.1.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

general. Thus at 1.53.1 (bharamahe girah Indraya vivasvatah
sadane | ), Indra is said to be offered hymns in the place of sacrifice;
also III.34.7 (vivasvatah sadane asya tani vipra ukthebhih kavayo
grnanti | ) or at X.75.1, the singer is said to be praising the greatness
of the rivers in the place of sacrifice (pra su va apo mahimanamutta-
maih karurvocami sadane vivasvatah j ). With the presence of Agni,
the gods are said to be placing themselves in the ‘house of vivasvat’
(X.12.7, yasmin deva vidathe madayante, vivasvatah sadane dhara-
yante | ) where the term may indicate the place in general or the
altar in particular as also at III.51.3, where Indra is said to be
finding delight (vivasvatah sadane a hi pipriye | ).

It is interesting to analyse the idea which prompted the poets
to employ these epithets. When ordinary words like k$aya, gaya,
durona are employed, it was obviously done because of the usual
sacrifice, that they were used to perform in the house, without any
specific place earmarked for the purpose like Agni-sarana of the
later days. Agni-dhana is referred to in a late hymn of the Rgveda
(X.165.3, Nastryam padam krnute agni-dhane j ); but very possibly
the word merely refers to the actual place of kindling fire and not
the sacrificial chamber in general.

The epithet ‘vivasvatah sadana’, emphasizes the importance of
Agni in the sacrifice. It signifies the fact that the place of sacrifice
could be considered as the place of Agni, as Agni had the lion’s share
in the sacrificial performance. The epithets based on Rta are more
significant. It is well-known that the Rgveda conceives Rta as a
principle which lies at the root of human as well as divine activity
and as such becomes the basis of ideas, religious, ethical and philo¬
sophical. When the place of sacrifice in general or the altar in parti¬
cular is designated on the basis of the Rta emphasizing it as the seat
of Ftta, it should become clear as to what type of importance the
thinkers were attaching to the sacrifice in the life of the Aryans at the
time. In general, the progress of the society in all walks of life
had come to be measured in terms of sacrifice as it was almost the
sole means of social emancipation in all these fields.

Difference in humble and rich places of sacrifice, very possibly
according to the amount of soma-juice pressed and offered has been
referred to at 1.101.8 (yad va marutvah parame sadhasthe yad
va’vame vrjane madayase j ). This may refer to the contrast between
the sacrificial offerings of individuals and those of rich patrons or
groups, or it may be the one between the offerings of minor patrons
(who appear to be coming together in certain sacrificial sessions)
and those of the more illustrious ones.

The cultural level of the people assembling for sacrificial per¬
formances is hinted at VII.1.4 (yatra narah samasate sujatah) and

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

at VII.1.15 (sujStasah paricaranti vlrah), where such nobly born
persons are said to be participating in the sacrificial performances.

Some of the sacrificial sessions appear to be attended by a large
number of people as suggested at 1.65.2 (Rtasya deva anu vrata guh
bhuvat paristirdyaurna bhuma | ) where a sacrificial gathering vast
like the heaven, is referred to. Ample space was apparently required
for some sacrifices at least, which is said to be provided by the
divinities at 1.96.6 (Agnl-soma brahmana vavrdhana urum yajnaya
cakrathuh u lokam |). At V.62.6, apparently such a specially erected
spacious structure is referred to —

Akravihasta sukrte paraspa yam trasathe varune tasvantalj [

Rajana ksatramahrniyamana sahasrasthunam bibhrthah saha

dvau ||

Here Mitra and Varuna are said to be supporting a structure of
a thousand pillars for protecting a person while offering oblations
(Ilasu). It was aparently erected for the purposes of a sacrificial
performance. It is interesting to note that the divinities are referred
to as Akravihasta 35 on this occasion, which apparently means “whose
hands are free from flesh or blood”. This may indicate that (1) animal
sacrifices were not offered to Mitra and Varuna or (2) they were not
required to kill any obstructors and as such their hands were free
from blood. This would be so because of the powerful influence of
Mitra and Varuna which would keep away the disturbing element. 30
The place of sacrifice had thus come to be considered as free from
violation due to the influence of the divinities.

A kind of jubilation, characterizing the sacrificial gatherings
with people rising up and joining in, is referred to at IX.88.2 (Adlm
visva nahusyani jata svar^ata vana urdhva navanta |). The bright
appearance of the sacrificial gathering, possibly due to the presence
of a number of rich patrons is referred to at X.31.5.

(Iyam sa bhuya ujasam iva ksa yaddha k^umantah savasa

samayan |

Asya stutim jaritur bhik$amana a nah sagmasa upayantu vajah |j)

where the sacrificial assembly is said to be like the residing place
of the Dawns with the coming together of the patrons. They are
said to be on the look-out for the hymn of the poet (asya stutim
jaritur bhik$amanah), though they themselves have brought gifts of
food (ksumantah). This would indicate that the hymns were con-

35. The word ‘Ktavis’ is used at 1.162.9 & 10 (Asvasya kravi^ah and Amasya

kraviso gandhah) in the sense of ‘flesh’.

36. Even as in S. III.l.

Ka katha bana-sandhane ....

Huhkarenaiva dhanu?ah sa hi vighanan apohati)

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

sidered more important than the rich offerings that could be given
by patrons.

As a variety of people would be participating in some big sacri¬
ficial assemblies, complete accord of all of them was essential for a
smooth performance. We have not got any positive proof of the
disturbances in the sacrificial assemblies, but it can be imagined
that they could take place. It is a well-known fact that different
sections among people must have fostered the worship of different
divinities, though they may not have been exactly antagonistic
towards each other. The reference to a section of people who could
doubt the existence of Indra or his influence 3 7 or the necessity felt
by a poet to emphasize to the people in general, the nature of Indra
(sa janasa Indrah 11.12) appear to indicate that certain sections had
come to entertain some staunch feelings either for or against some
divinities. When this would happen, counteraction was inevitable
and that would lead to some disturbances in the sacrificial assemblies
while the performance would be in progress.

At X.141.4

(Indra-vayu Brhaspatim suhaveha havamahe |

Yatha nah sarva ijjanah sahgatyam sumana asat |j ),

Vayu and Brhaspati are said to be invoked in the sacrificial assembly
(sahgatyam) so that all people could be well-disposed towards the
performance. This would suggest that, for securing the accord,
certain joint sacrifices in honour of different deities, who could form
a group as Indra, Vayu and Brhaspati do, used to be performed.
This appears to be an attempt in a smaller sphere, where deities
having some affinity with each other, are concerned. But when
deities like Indra and Varuna come to be joined together, there would
appear to be some definite idea behind it and it would be of such an
accord among people of different sets of thought and affinities, that
the poet is talking of. In fact, it seems that the introduction of the
group of Visvedevas was a bold step in the direction of achieving
social amity, which became increasingly necessary with the growth
of deities and sacrifice, which must have brought in some jealousies. 38

This clash due to differences of opinion regarding the import¬
ance of deities, or the type of offering to be given to the divinities,
or the hymns to be recited at a particular sacrifice, seems to have
prompted the author of X.191 to give a directive to the people who
have gathered at a place of sacrifice (as indicated by the kindling
of fire—ilaspade samidhyase [ at X. 191.1), to move and talk with
one accord and appreciate each other’s mind or views (v.2, samga-
cchadhvarh sarh vadadhvam sam vo manamsi janatam )) and as if to

37. Chapter IX.

38. Cf. ‘Visvedevas’ in Chapter III.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

alleviate all suspicions in their mind, add that gods are of perfect ac¬
cord in accepting the gifts (v.2, deva bhagam yatha purve sanjanana
upasate j). It appears that with the discord caused previously in
view, the poet adds that similar hymns would be recited in their
honour (samanam mantramabhi mantraye vah), similar offerings
would be offered to them (samanena vo havisa juhomi), and that
there would be perfect accord in the assembly (samitih samanl).

ALTAR : 3 9

At the place of sacrifice, the most conspicuous part would be
the altar. This is also suggested by its being referred to as the centre
of sacrifice (VIII.12.32, yad asya dhamani priye samicinaso asvaran |
nabha yajnasya dohana||; also VIII. 13.29, nabha yajnasya sam-
dadhuh), where ample soma-juices are referred to as being poured
on it. The same fact is also referred to at X.61.2, where Turvayana’s

offer of ample soma-juice has been mentioned. (Turvayanah.

k$odo no reta itauti sineat j ). In this very passage Cyavana is said
to have measured the ‘vedi’ and made all elaborate preparations, but
with no sincerity at heart (sa id danaya dabhyaya vanvancyavanah
sudairamimita vedim | ). Thus it is suggested here that all the pre¬
parations with technical perfection would be of no avail against good
songs and soma-juice. In fact, it appears that the technical and
mechanical aspect of the sacrifice is not attached so much import¬
ance in comparison with the sentimental and what may be termed
quantitative aspect of it. Thus even the comparatively later Rgvedic
sacrifice appears to have come to the stage of having its efficacy
judged on quantitative grounds rather than mechanical ones. At
X.114.3, the quadrangular altar is referred to (catu?kaparda yuvatih

supesa ghftapratika vayunani vaste.yatra deva dadhire bhaga-

dheyam J ). ‘Vayunani vaste’ suggests that the mode of shaping or
decorating, etc., of the vedi was supposed to be changing from time
to time or may be from region to region.

As the altar occupied a very important place in the sacrificial per¬
formance and as the sacrificial performance had a significant bearing
on the idea of Rta, the vedi has come to be designated as the centre
of Rta (IX.74.4, X.13.3, Rtasya nabhih) or the place of Rta (IV.5.9,
Rtasya pade) or as the source of Rta (Rtasya yonih, 1.65.4, III.62.18,

.etc., X.8.3). Possibly with the importance of sacrifice on

Earth in view, it is called the centre of Earth (Prthivyah nabha,
X.1.6, IX.82.3, etc.) With its raised position in view, as also its
association with gods residing high up in heaven, it is called the
‘summit of heaven’ (Prthivyah sanu’, IX.63.27 or Ppthivyah varsman
III.5.8, 9). With the offerings put in the fire on the altar in view,
it is called ‘ilah pada’ (VI.1.2, Adha hota nyasido yajiyan ilah pade J

39. VMH I. p. 179.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

and 1.128.1; III.10.1, 23.4, etc.). With the oblations in view, it is called
‘ghrtavan yonih’ (III.5.7, A yonimagnir ghrtavantamasthat).

The above epithets appear to have become so common in course
of time that the altar could be referred to merely as Nabhi. (IV.10.8)
or Yoni (III.9.3, IV.3.2, X.110.6, etc.). The word ‘Dhi^ana’ possibly
refers to the altar as suggested by Hillebrandt 40 at 1.109.3,4; III.2.1,
49.4; IV.34.1; V.41.8; VI.11.3; X.17.12, particularly as the stones are
said to be situated in its lap (1.109.3, Ta hyadri dhi§anaya
upasthe [ ) whereas V.31.12 says that the lower pressing stone rests
on the altar (see below). At one place in the Rgveda the word
‘dhisnya’ appears to refer to the place, where fire is kindled (IV.3.6,
kad dhisnyasu vrdhasano agne ....). The plural indicates the three

fires referred to sometimes (II.3.7 ‘adhi sanusu trisu.devan

yajantah samanjatah’ | ; 11.36.4, ‘uian hotar nisada yoni$u trisu j ).
The same appears to be indicated by the epithet ‘trisadhastha’
(situated in three places), applied to ‘Agni’ at V.4.8; (sahasah suno
tri§adhastha), cf. also VI.8.7, 12.2. These three places in which
Agni came to be worshipped may be indicative of the three aspects
of Agni but they appear to be taken as a unit with perhaps the unity
of fire in view (V.11.2, Agnirh narah trisadhasthe samldhire | ), where
fire is said to be kindled in the ‘trisadhastha’. With these three
altars in view, the sacred grass which is spread on them is also refer¬
red to as ‘trisadhastha’ at 1.74.4 (Trisadhasthe barhisi yajnaiii
mimiksatam | ) and with the fact of the gods coming to the altar to
receive the offerings in mind, a number of other deities are also
referred to as ‘trisadhastha’. 41 At times it would appear that different
altars were erected for different divinities and thus at X.8.4, seven
places are referred to (rtaya sapta dadhise padani | ).

As the seat of Agni, it is referred to as ‘Hotrsadana’ II.9.1 (ni
hota hotrsadane. .. .asadat) and Agni is called ‘vedisad hota’ at IV.
4.50 or merely as ‘vedisad’ at 1.140.1 (vedisade agnaye;). Agni-sacrifice
winning wealth is said to be possible by keeping ready the altar, the
oblations and the soma-juice. (VIII.19.18). Sacred grass is said to be
spread on the altar (11.34, barhih stlrnam vedyasyam J ), fuel and obla¬
tions offered thereon (VI.1.10, vidhema. . . .samidhota havyaih vedi
.... |). The purity of the place was sought to be maintained scrupu¬
lously as suggested at VII.GO.9, where the revilers are expected to be
kept away for the purpose, (ava vedim hotrabhir yajeta ripah kasci s I
varunadhrutah sah j). Because of the importance of the vedi in the
sacrifice, vedi has been deified in a Visve-deva hymn, in the same
manner as the ‘Barhis’ (VII.35.7, samu astu vedih). Though the mea¬
suring of the vedi is referred to (X.61.2), no particular measurements
appear to be enforced. It however seems to be a fairly big and strong

40. V.I. pp.399-400 for different views.

41. Sarasvatl VI. G1.2. Soma VIII. 83.5. Brhasnati IV. 50.L Vianu I. 156.5

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

enclosure as indicated by V.31.12 (vadan grava ava vedim bhriyiite),
where the upper pressing stone is said to be brought down (on the
lower stone which apparently was placed) on the altar. With the
vital role of the Altar in the sacrifice as the place where gods come
and receive their oblations, the Altar is called the farthest extremity
of the Earth (1.164.35a iyam vedih paro antah prthivyah | ), because
that spot marks the beginning of the region of the gods.

BARHIH :

Next in importance to the vedi at the place of sacrifice would
of course be the sacred grass (Barhih), which was meant as a seat
for the gods. All the gods are said to be occupying the seat on the
Barhis grass, when they approach the sacrifice for receiving oblations.
As in the case of sacrifice to Visve-devah where all the gods are ex¬
pected to come and attend the sacrificial performance, the seat of
Barhis grass should be very extensive as indicated at 1.85.6c (sidata
barhir uru vah sadaskrtam j ). It also appears to be spread on the
path by which the gods were expected to come and as such is referred
to as “easy to move along” (pra vavrje supraya barhiresam, VII.39.2a).
As a seat for the divinities it has got to be very cosy and so it is
referred to as urnamrad (V.5.4, urnamrada vi prathasva i ) 42 and as
the gods frequently attend the sacrificial performances, the place is
dear to them (1.85.7, sldan adhi barhisi priye; VIII.13.24, ni barhisi
priye and IX.55.2). The grass is also said to be spreading for the
sake of the gods (devavyacah, III.4.4) and as fit for the complete
sacrificial performance (strnita barhih adhvaraya sadhu, VII.43.2).
For this purpose it is said to be spread on the altar (II.3.4, stirparn
subharam vedi asyam j) and the vedi is called urnavat, characterised
by wool — at VI.53.16 (urnavantam prathamah sida yonirh I ) and
with the path referred to above in view, it is said to be spread facing
the east as that would be the direction from which the gods would
be expected to come (1.188.4, prachinam barhir ojasa . . . .astrnan | ).
The gods are therefore requested to come, to sit upon it and enjoy
the oblations (III.41.3, A barhih sida vlhi purolasam j ). Indra is said
to be sitting upon it like a king (X.43.2, Rajeva dasma nisado’dhi
barhisi | ) and from such a seat of other patrons and poets he is once
referred to as coming to Vasisthas being attracted by their soma-
offerings (VII.33.1, Uttisthan voce pari barhiso nrn, na me durada-
vitave Vasi?thah | ). As this grass was exclusively meant for the
use of the divinities, 43 we do not come across any references to its
being spread as seat of the human beings even in the sacrifice. Those
things however which were meant for the gods were honoured by

42. For the description of Barhis in Anri hymns—see my paper. AHR. B.U.J. 1945-6.

43. Barhisad (II. 3.3 etc.) and Barhistha (III. 13.1) are exclusively used as epithets
of gods and at all passages gods only are said to be sitting ( nisad, asad,

asa etc).

7<>

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

being placed on the ‘barhis’ grass. Thus the oblations to be offered
are said to be placed on the ‘barhis’ grass (1.117.1, barhi§matl ratih).
It is said to be sprinkled over with ghee before the gods sit upon it
(ghrtenaktam vasavah sldatedarh, II.3.4). The epithet ‘ghrtaprstha’
which is otherwise applied to Agni is used about ‘barhis’ at 1.13.5
(stfmta barhiranu$ak.ghrtaprstharh).

Soma-juice is said to be placed on ‘barhis’ (1.52.3, IX.68.1,

indavah.barhisadah, and IX.87.4). Even the soma-plant is said

to be placed on the ‘barhis’ grass at IX.87.1, asvarh na tva vajinarh
marjayanto’ccha barhih rasanabhir nayanti I ). In the ‘Divi§fi’
sacrifice, 44 the soma is said to be pressed on the ‘barhis’ grass (1.86.4,
asya virasya barhisi sutah somah divistisu [ ). As the pressing was
taking place on a layer of ‘barhis’ grass, soma is said to be thunder¬
ing on it (vr$a.stanayannadhi barhisi, IX.19.3). The beast of

the sacrifice was also made to stand on the ‘barhis’ grass at the time
of sprinkling water (X.90.7, barhisi prauk§an purusam.).

As the priests would be going to the sacrifice with ‘barhis’ grass
they were called ‘barhismatah’ (1.51.8; 1.53.6, etc.). As they would
be cutting the grass for the purposes of the sacrifice, they came to
be called ‘vrktabarhisah’ (1.14.5, kanvasah, priyamedhasah at VIII.
69.18, etc.). As spreading the ‘barhis’ grass would be come across
in the sacrifices, they came to be called ‘stirnabarhi^ah’ (X.21.1,
stirnabarhi^e yajnaya) and the person who spreads it is also so
called (V.37.2, samiddhagnih stirnabarhih yuktagrava sutasomo
jarate j ).

Its importance at the place of sacrifice is best illustrated by its
being identified with sacrifice at VII.75.8 (ma no barhih purusata nide
kah | ), where the Dawn is requested to maintain the reputation of
the singer’s sacrifice among the people.

By the side of the vedi, and the grass scattered over, on some
occasions would be found the ‘Yupa’.

YUPA : 45

The word ‘yupa’ is referred to in the Rgveda only thrice. 46 Out
of these passages, only at V.2.7 (sunasciccheparh niditam sahasrad
yupad amunco asami?ta hi sah), the sacrificial post is meant. At the
two other places the word merely refers to ordinary posts. Thus
1.51.14 (Indro asrayi sudhyo nireke pajre§u stomo duryo na yupah | )
refers to Indra who is said to be firm like a post to which the panel
of the door is attached and IV.33.3 (punar ye cakruh pitara yuvana

44. Cf. Chapter VI tor ‘Divisti’.

45. Vedic Index Vol. II. p. 194.

46. 1.51.14; IV. 33.3; V.2.7.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

sana yupeva jarana sayana) 47 appears to refer to merely some logs
of wood lying down on the earth. The Asva hymn (1.162) seems to
refer to Yupa in its sacrificial sense (1.162.6) (Yupavraska uta ye
yupavahasea$alam ye asvayupaya taksati I ). Here the help of those
people who help in the preparation of the Horse-sacrifice, is being
referred to and hence the Yupa is called specifically ‘aivayupa’ and
the people are described as Yupa-vraska (who carve the post) and who
carry the post (to the place of sacrifice, Yupavahah I ). A poet called
‘Sthurayupa’ is referred to at VIII.23.24 (Nunamarca vihayase
stomebhih sthurayupa vat), where the poet Vaiyasva is asked to sing
like Sthurayupa to Agni. The name may be significant as referring
to a poet who has perhaps employed a conspicuously big post in his
sacrificial performance and attained fame thereby. Even in the
Sunhsepa hymns (1.24-30), though Sunahsepa’s being tied up to a
sacrificial post is referred to, the word Yupa is not used. cf. (1.24.13,
Sunahsepo hyavhad grbhitastrisu adityam drupadesu baddhah).

It will thus be noticed that the word Yupa though it has got
currency in the sacrificial sense sometime, it has not been confined
to that sense in the Rgveda. This conjecture finds confirmation in
the fact that in the hymn written in glorification of the sacrificial
post (III.8), 46 the post is not referred to as Yupa but merely by the
general term vanaspati (III.8.1, 3). In verses 6 to 10, many posts
are referred to as ‘svarus’. It will be perhaps nearer the truth to say
that the word ‘svaru’ 10 was more popularly known than ‘yupa’ 50
in the sense of the sacrificial post, to which the beast is tied (see
III.8.9 below). In respect of brightness, Usas is compared with ‘svaru’
at 1.92.5 (svarum na peso vidathesu anjan citram divo duhita bhanum-
asret. 51 The tying of the beast to the post and its anointing are
referred to at IV.6.3 (udu svarurnavaja nakrah pasvo anakti sudhitah
sumekah j ). Other sacrificial associations are referred to along with
‘svaru’ at VIII.45.2 (brhannid idhma esam bhurisastam prthuh svaruh
yesam indro yuva sakha), where Indra is said to be glorifying the
sacrificial performances of those who are favoured by him by getting
their fuel praised and their sacrificial post (considered as) big. Just
as ‘idhma’ is small sticks considered big being taken collectively,
‘svaru’ also may refer to the small posts referred to collectively here.

In respect of firmness the dawns are compared with sacrificial
posts at IV.51.2 (asthuru citra usasah purastan mita iva svaravo
adhvaresu j ). In all the three passages of its reference in the famous
Yupa hymn III.8. (viz., III.8.6, 9 and 10), the word is used in the

47. Cf. my paper on Rbhus— B.U.J. 1952.

48. Cf. Chapter XI.

49. V.I. p. 494. In the Brahmana literature the word appears to be fixed in the
sense of “splinters” as pointed by Macdonel! (p. 494 F.N. 3).

50. I. 92.5; III. 6, 9, 10; IV. 6.3, 51.2; VIII. 35.7; VIII. 45.2.

51. See Chapter XII.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

plural as distinguished from ‘vanaspati’, that is addressed (III.8.6,
Yan va naro devayanto nimimyurvanaspate svadhitir va tatak^a | te
devasah svaravastasthivamsah |). They appear to be painted white
and as such are compared with swans at III.8.9 (Hamsa iva sreniso
yatanah sukra vasanah svaravo na aguh) and become standard of
comparison for Usas at 1.92.5 (see above). With knobs or rings
on their tops, they are compared with animals possessed of horns
(III.8.10, srngaijlvecchrhginam sarh dadrsre casalavantah svaravah
prthivyarii I). Thus it can be seen that they are chopped off with
an axe and made to have a particular size and shape, possibly a
uniform one as suggested by comparison with the swans and the
dawns. They are to be planted deep at the place of sacrifice by the
sacrificing people (III.8.6a, naro devayanto nimimyuh), are quite firm
(tasthivariisah) and painted white. They are referred to as divine
at III.8.6 (te devasah and III.8.9d, deva devanam etc.) and at VII.35.7,
where they are sought to be propitiated along with the other gods and
some other accessories of sacrifice which are thought of as divinities
for the purpose, (sarh nah svarunam mitayo bhavantu ;). Their
comparison with the swans going in lines (III.8.9a, Hamsa iva sreniso
yatanah) and dawns appearing in front (IV.51.2, see above) would
give the impression that they were planted in the place of sacrifice
at regular intervals. At III.8, they are distinguished from Vanaspati
which is said to be ‘satavalsa’ (having hundred branches) at III.8.11.
It may possibly mean that the ‘vanaspati’ is a big tree, 52 that used
to be brought at the place of sacrifice and then with the help of the
axe the various branches of a certain size were cut off for the purposes
of the sacrifice and they are referred to as the ‘svarus’. It is not
clear, however, as to what purpose was served by those pillars in the
sacrifice. If we are to believe that so many beasts would be tied to
them, we shall have to imagine that so many beasts used to be
sacrificed then at a time. This inference, however, is not justified
as it is not substantiated by evidence at any other place. 53 On the
contrary, when a reference to the tying of the beast occurs the post
and the beast are both referred to in the singular (cf. 1.92.5; IV.6.3
and VIII.45.2). At V.44.5 (samjarbhuranastarubhih sutegrbham
vayakinam cittagarbhasu susvaruh), Agni is qualified as ‘susvaruh’
which perhaps may indicate that those svarus were arranged round
about the place, where the fire was kindled at the place of the sacri¬
fice. Sayana takes the word to mean ‘sobhanagamanah’ and is fol¬
lowed by others (moving beauteously—Griffith). From the descrip¬
tion of the ‘svarus’ given above, however, it will be more appropriate
to take the word as connected with the ‘svarus’, that were to be
found in the place of sacrifice arranged round about the sacrificial
fire or fires.

52. Cf. III. 8.3 ucchrr.yasva vanaspate varsman prthivya adhi |

53. Cf. ‘animal offering’ in Chapter V and ‘animal sacrifice’ in Chapter VI.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

It would be perhaps nearer the mark to say that the posts of
regular size, painted white and arranged in lines would be planted to
mark the boundaries of the place of sacrifice or some particular
portion thereof, which was perhaps to be marked off from the rest
of the place. Thus the words ‘Yupa’ and ‘svaru’ at times and
‘vanaspati’ in a limited sense at III.8, refer to the main sacrificial
post while the word ‘svaru’ in plural, having great importance in
the place of sacrifice, refers to the other posts which are erected
with artistic regularity there roundabout the place where sacrificial
fire or fires were kindled.

IDHMA AND SAMIDH :

The word Idhma in all its occurrences in the RV. is used in the
sense of sacrificial fuel, 54 which is to be kept ready for the purposes
of a sacrificial performance. No specific information about the type
of wood chosen for the purpose is forthcoming from any of the
Rgvedic passages but it becomes clear that it was a very laborious
task to collect fuel for the sacrificial purposes as indicated at IV.12.2
(idhmam yas te jabharat sasramanah) and IV.2.6a (yas ta idhmam
jabharat sisvidanah) where the person is said to be sweating while
collecting the fuel. The fuel appears to consist of small sticks, which
are required to be kept ready before the beginning of the sacrificial
performance (1.94.4, III.18.3, VIII.45.2, X.61.9). They were apparent¬
ly dried sticks as suggested by the metaphor in the Puru?a-sukta
(X.90.6, Grlsma idhma), where it is identified with the hot season.
A person keeping such fuel ready at the sacrifices is qualified as
‘Idhma-bhrti’ at VI.20.3 (dabhltir idhmabhrtih pakthyarkaih | ).

SAMIDHS :

Thus while the word ‘idhma’ appears to be used in the sense
of fuel kept ready for sacrifice, the words ‘samidh’ or ‘samidhs’ seem
to be used when the fuel is employed to kindle fire.

Thus offering a stick, the poet requests Agni to accept it (II.6.1,
imam me agne samidharh imam upasadarh vaneh | ); when dried sticks
are added to fire in succession, how the fire burns brightly is graphi¬
cally described in the Visvamitra Apri Hymn (III.4.1, samit samit
sumana bodhi asme). It is with this idea in mind that ‘idhma’ and
‘samidhah’ are separately mentioned in the well-known metaphor
of Purusa-sukta where ‘idhma’ is identified with ‘grlsma’ and ‘samidh’
are said to be twenty-one (X.90.15, trih sapta samidhah. .. .). That
the samidhs used to be arranged in some groups for the purposes of
sacrifice can be clear also from III.2.9 (tisro yavhasya samidhab
parijmano) or 1.164.25 (gayatrasya samidhastisra ahuh | ) and III.1.2,

54. 1,94.4; III. 28.3; IV. 2.6, 12.2; VIII.45.2; X.61.9, 90.6.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

VI.16.11, and VIII.43.12 (agne samidhbhirimahe) where Agni is said
to be propitiated and requested with some arrangement of the
samidhs.

LADLE (JUHU) :

The word Juhu is used strictly in the sense of a ladle only in
four places in the Rgveda; at 1.145.3 (tamidgacchanti juvhah), where
ladles are said to be going towards Agni, at VIII.43.10 (udagne tava
tad ghrtadarci rocata ahutarh | nimsanam juvho mukhe), where Agni’s
rising flame is said to be kissing the ladle that is pouring the ghee;
at VIII.44.5 (upa tva juvho mama ghrtaclryantu) and at X.21.3 (tve
dharmana asate juhubhih sincatiriva | ), where Agni’s possession of
eternal laws is said to be as outstanding as the sprinkling (of the
ghee) by the ladles. At other places in the Rgveda, the poets appear
to refer to ‘Juhu’ metaphorically, the metaphor apparently based on
the frequent and enthusiastic proceeding of the ladles in the sacri¬
fices. Thus the human tongue singing the hymn is said to be ‘juhu’
(cf. 1.58.7, 61.5, 11.27.1; IV.4.2) and the flame of Agni is also referred
to as ‘juhu’ (1.76.5; VI.11.2).

UPASECAN! : DARVI:

The word ‘upasecani’ is used in the sense of a ‘ladle’ twice in
the Rgveda : X.21.2 and X.105.10. In the latter passage it is distin¬
guished from ‘Darvi’, possibly on account of the distinction in the
workmanship. Thus while the ‘upasecani’ is said to be variegated
in appearance, the ‘darvi’ is said to be stainless, possibly due to its
polished surface so that ghee would not cling to it (cf. sriye te
prsnirupasecanl bh€it sriye darvirarepah). At times ghee appears to
be offered simultaneously as indicated at V.6.9, (ubhe suscandra
sarpiso darvi srini?a asani |), where Agni is said to be giving place
to both the ladles (darvi) in his mouth. The two names have a
derivative significance; ‘Darvi’ signifying its being fashioned from
the wood (dru) and ‘upasecani’ signifying the action of sprinkling
ghee from near the fire (upa sic). Thus the soma-cup where the
pressed soma-juice was stored is also referred to as ‘upasecana’,
apparently because soma-juice was poured from it in the fire. (cf.
X.76.7, duhanti udhar upasecanaya).

SRUC 55 : SRUVA :

The word ‘sruc’ is used in the sense of ladle for various purposes
more than a dozen times in the Rgveda. It was mainly used for

55. VMH. II. 87,

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

offering ghee but also appears to be used for offering the soma-juice
as indicated at V.41.12 (pari sruco babrhanasya adreh), where it is
mentioned along with the pressing stone; at X.17.13 (yaste drapsah
skannah parah sruca) and 1.116.24 (unninyathuh somamiva sruvena),
it is associated with the soma juice. Its close association with fire
is indicated at a number of places (1.84.18, VIII.23.22, 60.2, X.91.15).
It is qualified as ‘havismati’ at VIII.23.22. The idea that the ladle
releases everything in fire as indicated at X.105.10 (quoted above), also
seems to be indicated at 1.162.17 (sruceva ta havi$o adhvaresu sarva

ta te.) where all the afflictions of the sacrificial horse are said

to be removed just like the ‘offering’ from the ladles.

Its place in a fire-ritual is indicated at 1.84.18, where ‘sruc’ is
said to be required along with the offering and ghee for worshipping

Agni (ko agnimitte havi§a ghrtena. .. . sruca.). A certain

amount of workmanship appears to be required for fashioning this
ladle as indicated at VI.11.5, where it is qualified as ‘suvrkti’. The
offering of ghee with ‘sruc’ appears to be considered as a skilful act
as indicated at 1.110.6 (a manisamantarik§asya rq-bhyah sruceva
ghrtarh juhavama vidmana), where the composition of hymn is com¬
pared with the offering of the ghee by a ladle. The movement of
the ladle from left to right in the process of offering is referred to
at 1.144.1, where the ladle is qualified as ‘dak$inavrt’.

Besides at 1.116.24 (see above) the word ‘sruva’ is also used at
1.121.6, where the offering is said to be sprinkled by ‘sruva’ on the
place, where the fire is kindled (cf. sruvena sincanjaranabhidhama j ).

GHRTACi :

Like upasecanl, the word ghrtacl though used as an adjective
of ‘Juhu’ at VIII.44.5 (upa tva juvho mama ghrtaciryantu. .. .), is
used as a substantive at a number of places, indicating the association
of ladles with ghee predominantly. Its employment in offerings of
different kinds is also indicated at III.19.2, IV.6.3, where it is qualified
as ‘ratini’ and ‘HavirbharantI’ and at V.2.8 (Havi^a ghrtacl praci eti).
Its lifting up for the purposes of offering ghee is indicated at VII.43.2
and its movement from left to right at III.6.1, where it is qualified
as ‘Daksinavat’. At VII.4.2, a number of ladles are referred to as
employed at the same time. As in the case of the two ‘darvis’ (V.6.9
above), it appears to be customary to offer ghee simultaneously in
fire by a number of priests and with this action in view, the ladlesi
are qualified as ‘samanasah’. VII.84.1 refers to the ladle in both the

hands (pra varh ghrtacl bahvordadhana pari tmana.jigati). It

is not referred to as being heavy even metaphorically, and hence
the action appears to refer to a reverential gesture at a performance,
s.n.— e

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

GHARMA:

The word is used in the sense of a pot used for heating milk 56
as well as the offering of such milk. 67 It is referred to as made of
gold at V.30.15 (gharmascit taptah pravrje ya asit ayasmayah). The
heating of the pot is referred to at VII.70.2 (atapi gharmo manuso
durone). The pots while hot appear to be emptied for the offering as
indicated at VII.103.9 (sarhvatsare pravrsi agatayam tapta gharma
asnuvate visargarh). How red-hot the pot was heated is indicated at
V.19.3 (gharmo na vajajatharah) where Agni is compared with such a
pot.* The length of time, apparently, for which the pot used to be
kept on fire is indicated at V.43.7,* where it is compared with the son
on the lap of the father.

Soma-sacrifice was naturally more elaborate than the ordinary
fire-ritual, where milk, ghee, etc. were being offered; and as it attained
greater popularity in course of time, implements required for it
came to be described more frequently. As it has already been
remarked, separate compilation of the soma hymns apparently indi¬
cates predominant place of soma-sacrifice in the general ritual of
the Rgvedic hymns.

As suggested in the previous chapter, very possibly the sacrifice
originated with a fire-ritual predominantly in honour of Varuna.
It may be noted in this context that like the other gods, Varuna is
never referred to as young or born. The laws of Varuna are ancient
and to transgress them is due to ignorance (acitti yattava dharma
yuyopima VII.86.5). It is also quite significant that soma is never
mentioned as quite conspicuously associated with Varuna, while in
Indra-hymns, the god’s association with soma is referred to every
now and then. Thus it appears that with the arrival of Indra, soma-
ritual dominated the scene and this domination changed the older
form of ritual altogether. As soma-ritual and Indra grew in pro¬
minence, Varuna and the earlier fire-ritual fell into background.
During the days of the Rgvedic hymns, soma-ritual has retained its
domination and hence we find very frequent mention of the imple¬
ments of soma-sacrifice. We come across even the phenomenon of
separate hymns written for the pressing-stones (X.76; 94; 175). 58

GRAVANAH : (Pressing-stones) :—

It is interesting to note that the pressing-stones, though referred
to in dual sometimes, are praised in plural in all the three hymns
(X.76, 94, 175), whereas there is not a single independent hymn
for the Vedi, which is rightly styled as the centre of sacrifice.

56. I. 164.26, III. 53.14. V. 30.15, V. 43.7, V. 76.1, VII. 103.9.

57. Vide Chapter V. *for the simile cf. Chapter XII.

58. Vide Chapter XI.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

The word ‘gravan’ is used in singular at about twenty places. 69
At a number of places, it is referred to as producing the sound (1.83.6,
135.7, grava yatra vadati; V.31.12, vadan grava ava, etc., V.36.4,
graveva jarita vacarh iyarti; VII.34.2, vadan grava. . . .somi ghosena
. .. .; X.64.15, 100.8, ‘grava yatra madhusud ucyate brhad | ).

At 1.28.1, the ‘gravan’ is said to be ‘prthu-budhnah’ indicating
the reference to the lower stone, which must be pretty big. It was
placed occasionally on the or by the side of the altar as indicated
at V.31.12 (see above). For the purposes of the sacrifice, it is the
lower stone that is referred to as kept ready (cf. X.70.7, 100.9). Its
significant place in the midst of the implements becomes obvious
when it is said to persuade the divinity to come to the sacrifice
(1.84.3). The strength of the soma-juice is said to be dependent on
the strength of the pressing-stone at V.40.2, VIII.13.32, (Vr?a grava
vr$a madah). Even when the poet is singing a hymn, his influence
exercised on the soma-juice is said to be dependent on the lower
pressing-stone (IX.113.6, chhandasyam vacam vadan, gravna somo
mahiyate).

It is referred to as ‘upara’ at 1.79.3, X.94.3, X.175.3, very possibly
on account of its situation, very close to the altar. The ox-hide
is said to be spread on it (1.79.3, tvacarh prncanti uparasya yonau).
The upper stones are said to be going to the lower one (X.94.5, nyan
niyanti uparasya niskrtam), which would also indicate that the place
of the lower stone was fixed up in the place of the sacrifice.

The word ‘gravan’ is used in dual only once (II.39.1, gravaneva
tadidartham jarethe), where Asvins are compared with them. It
may also be noted here that the word ‘adri’ is used at three places
to indicate the two pressing-stones (1.109.3, VII.39.1, 42.1).

The word ‘gravan’ is used in plural in about two dozen places
in the Rgveda. The keeping ready of the pressing-stones for the
performance of a sacrifice, is referred to at X.35.9 (gravnam yoge)
at VIII.27.1, X.92.15 (gravano urdhva abhi cak§uradhvaram); at
III.30.2 (yukta gravano samidhane agnau). Like Maruts, they are
said to be singers having the river Sindhu as their mother (X.78.6,
gravano na surayah sindhumatarah), possibly because they were
drawn from the stream of the river for the purposes of the sacrifice.
They are mentioned in the Visvedeva group and are deified along
with other objects (cf. V.31.5, VII.35.7, 104.17).

ADRI :

The word ‘Adri’ is also used at times in the sense of the pressing-
stones. The word is used in all the three numbers like ‘gravan’. At

59. 1.28.1, 83.6, 64.3; VII. 33.14; VIII. 26.24 etc.

84 SACRIFICE EN THE RGVEDA

three place? (see above) it is used in dual. At 1.109.3 (ta hi adri
dhi§anaya upasthe), Indragni are said to be the pressing-stones on
the lap of the altar. At VII.39.1 and 42.1 (yujyatam adri adhvarasya
pe£ah), the two pressing-stones are said to be kept ready for the
sacrifice.

The upper stone is said to be held in both the hands for pressing
the soma-juice (VII.22.1, yamadrih su$ava soturbahubhyam).

It will have been noticed that very rarely the words indicative
of the pressing-stone are used in dual to signify the two pressing-
stones. In the majority of the passages, the words are used in the
pluyal. The employment of the word ‘gravan’ or ‘adri’ in singular
has indicated a reference to the lower pressing-stone, which has got
an important status in the place of the sacrifice. But when the lower
ond and the upper ones are mentioned together, it would appear
that the poets are visualising the employment of a number of upper
pressing stones on the single lower stone, cf. X.94.5 (sajosasah).
They appear to be operating together as indicated in the following
stanza (‘ugra iva pravahanta samayayuh’ and ‘sakarh yukta vrsano
bibhrato dhurah). cf. also X. 175.3 (gravano upare?va mahiyante
sajo$asah), where the upper pressing stones (gravano) are said to
be operating together on the lower one.

It is possible to imagine therefore that there was a big pressing
stone, kept below either on or by the side of the altar. Soma-plant
was placed on it as indicated at VIII.26.24 (gravanarh na asvapr?fharh),
\yhere Vayu is compared with the lower pressing-stone, which carries
the soma-plant on it. And then a number of persons must be starting
pounding it in a systematic way. This is supported by IX.11.5
(‘hastacyutebhih adribhih sutam somam punitana), where stones
operated by the hands are said to be pressing the soma-juice. The
skill in pounding depended on the proper grasp and movement of
the two hands and hence the frequent reference to ten fingers. 60
For the idea of a number of men and pressing stones, pressing out
the juice, cf. IX.71.3, 79.4 (adrayastva bapsati goradhi tvaci | apsu
tva hastairduduhurmanlsinah |l ); 86.34 (nrbhiradribhih sutah);

III.3.4.3 (sunvanti adribhih); IX.80.4 (gravabhih sutah); IX.86.23,
101.11, 107.1, 109.18, etc.

With soma-juice sticking to the pressing-stones, they are refer¬
red to as ‘soma-prsfhaso adrayah (VIII.63.2). With the same thing
in view, they are said to be drinking the soma-juice even before the
priests (X.94.2, hotuscit purve haviradyamasata j ). They are said
to be the decoration of the sacrifice at VII.42.1 (yujyatamadrl adhva-

$0 IX. 6.3, 8.4, 15.8, 38.3, 61.7, S9.4, 97.57 etc.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

rasya pesah), indicating the predominant position enjoyed by sofna-
sacrifice in comparison with the other types of ritual.

It is possible that the words in dual refer to smaller sacrifices,
where a small quantity of soma-juice used to suffice.

ULUKHALA : G1

The word is used as ‘ulukhala’ or ‘ulukhalaka’ in a solitary
hymn of the Hgveda in the first Man^ala (1.28.1-6). It is mentioned
side by side with the pressing-stone in v.l (yatra grava prthubudhnal?

urdhvo bhavati sotave j ulukhalasutanam.). Apparently the

word refers to the mortar, which was used along with the pestle, in
place of the pressing-stones, for pressing out the soma-juice. Asso¬
ciated with it were the two wooden planks, one covering the other,
through which the soma-juice was to flow and hence referred to as
‘adhisavanya’ 62 (v.2, yatra dvaviva jaghana’dhi§avanya krta) and
further in v.8, as ‘vanaspatl’. The soma-plant was pounded by a

pestle called ‘vanaspati’ (v.6, vanaspate.sunu. .. .ulukhala).

The systematic pounding is metaphorically described in v.3 (yatra
nari apacyavam upaeyavarh ca siksate j ). The mortar is said to be
employed in every house (v.5, grhe grhe.yujyase).

A churning pole 63 (mantha, v.4.) is also referred but it is not
clear how it was used for the soma-pressing.

The wooden planks referred to as ‘adhisavanya (1.28.2), also
appear to be referred to differently elsewhere, cf. IX.1.2. (druna
sadhasthamasadat) or IX.65.6 (druna sadhasthamasnuse) where soma
juice is said to be going to its place through the wood (dru, i.e., the
plank). The same planks are also referred to as Oni at IX.16.1, 65.11
and X.101.14.

GOH TV AC :

At 1.28.9, the remains of the soma-plant, after the juice has
been pressed out, are said to be placed on the ox-hide (Ucchi^fam

.ni dhehi goradhi tvaci). But the hide is generally said to be

placed on the lower pressing stone, cf. IX.79.4 (adrayastva bapsati
goradhi tvaci j); also IX.65.25, 66.29.

Soma-juice extracted by pounding was made to pass through
a strainer, which is referred to very frequently.

61. VMH. I. p. 158.

62. It may be noted that in the A.B. VII. 32.4, the ox-hide is referred to as
‘adhisavana carma’ ; while in the Rgveda the slightly different word ‘adhi¬
savanya’ is used in quite a different sense.

63. VMH I. p. 160.

SACRIFICE IN THE IjtGVEDA

PAVITRA : 64

IX.67.19 (gravna tunno abhistutah pavitram soma gacchasi)
describes the stage at which the juice is made to go across the
strainer, cf. also IX.6.3, 37.1, etc. The sound produced by the flow
is referred to at IX.96.6, 17, 21, 106.14, 107.22. The strainer is refer¬
red to as made of sheep’s wool (avyo varah, IX.6.1, 7.6, etc. me?yah
varah, IX.8.5, 107.11, etc.) It is said to be rather coarse as it should

prevent the dregs from choking it up (IX.15.6, eva.parusa

yayivan ati). The dregs are described as left behind (IX.69.9, sutah
pavitram ati yanti avyayam hitvi vavrirh), while the juice flows

forth, cf. also IX.78.1 (grbhnati ripramavih asya tanva.). As

soma passes through it, the strainer is said to be his cloak (IX.70.7,
nirnigavyayi). The strainer is said to be made of thousands of

woolen fibres (IX.91.3, sahasrarh anvam. vi yati). White-

coloured wool appears to be preferred for straining as indicated at

KX.107.13 (arjune atke avyata) and at IX.91.3 (pathibhih.

adhvasmabhih. .. .anvam vi yati.)

Various kinds of vessels are mentioned in connection with the
soma-ritual. 65 Out of the vessels mentioned in the Aiteraya Brah-
mana 66 Putabhrt Adhavaniya, Sthali andUdancana 67 , are not referred
to in the Rgveda at all. The word ‘dronakalasa’ too does not occur,
but ‘drona’ and ‘kalasa’ are separately mentioned (see below). The
word ‘amatra’, which is used in the sense of a vessel for sprinkling
the soma-juice in the Rgveda, is not referred to in the Brahmana
literature, indicatng that it has gone out of vogue by the time of the
Brahmanas, though it was so popular in the days of the Rgveda so
as to give an epithet ‘amatrin’ (VI.24.9) to Indra.

AMATRA : 68

At II.14.1, adhvaryus are asked to sprinkle soma juice with
‘amatra’s (amatrebhih sincata madyamandhah). cf. also V.51.4
(amatre parisicyate); VI.42.2 (....amatrebhih rjl$inarh); X.29.7
(asincannamatram indraya). All these references indicate the close
association of amatra vessels in the soma-sacrifice in honour of Indra.

AVABHRTHA:

The word is not used in its well-known sense of the ‘purifica¬
tory bath’ in the Rgveda but as a vessel of soma juice as we shall
see below.

Macdonell believes that both the ‘Dlksa’ and ‘Avabhj-tha’ were
known to the Rgveda, 69 without specifying any passages in the

64. VMH I. 203, 308.

65. Cf. Geldner—Vol. III. pp. 6-8; ABH. Vol. II. pp. 488-89 F.N. PRV. p. 255.

66. VII. 32.4.

67. At V. 44.13 the word is used in its derivative sense ‘lifting up’.

68. V. I. Vol. I. p. 30.

69. ERE. XXI 614b.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

Rgveda which would make his inference possible. Dr. Deshmukh
agrees with him. 70

It should however be noted that Dlksa is not referred to in the
Rgveda at all and there does not appear to be any indication what¬
soever to believe that such a rite was known as a part of the Rgvedic
sacrifice as the scholars would have us believe. We come across
references to the sacrificers, performing the rites after choosing their
priests; but we do not come across any rite afterwards meant for
the purification of the sacrificer, which is apparently a later innova¬
tion.

Avabhrtha is referred to only once in the Rgveda at VIII.93.23
(ista hotra asrksatendram vrdhaso adhvare | acchavabhrthamojasa jj ).
Sayana understands the word as ‘the final day of the sacrifice (antya-
divasa). Grassmann 71 and Geldner 72 construe it as ‘the purificatory
bath’. Griffith 73 construes it in the sense of ‘cleansing bath’, adding
that the word apparently refers to bath or the vessel in which the
soma-plants were rinsed and purified. Prof. Velanker 74 renders
the word as ‘Avabhrtha’, adding that the technical sense of ‘final
bath’ may have been meant.

It may be noted that the word denotes something at the place
of sacrifice towards which the delightful offerings (i$ta hotra i.e.,
the soma-juices) are said to be flowing with force (ojasa). ‘Avabhrtha’
therefore very possibly refers to the vessel (of that name like Aivattha
or saihvarana below), towards which the soma-juices flow. The
sequence of verses 23 and 24 which cannot be otherwise understood
as Geldner 75 has pointed out, can be followed only with this mean¬
ing, which is also supported by its derivation from ‘bhr with ava’,
indicating the place towards which the soma-juice flows. It may
also be noted that ‘ojasa’ also is best understood only this way. For
the idea of soma flowing down, cf. IX.88.6 (vrtha samudram sindhavo
na nicih sutaso abhi kalasan asrgran 4 , 70 where soma-juices are said
to be flowing towards the vessels like the rivers to the sea. cf. also
IX.67.14. For the idea of force with which it flows, we find the
word ‘ojasa’ used at IX.65.14 and IX.106.7 is more specific, describing
the point in the same way as our passage does. (cf. Pavasva devavitaye
indo dharabhirojasa j a kalasam.).

ASVATTHA:

At 1.135.8 (atraha tad vahethe madhva ahutam | yamaivattham
upa tisthanti jayavah || ), the word ‘aivattha’ is used in the sense of

70. RVL p. 340.

71. Wort.

72. Dor Rgveda Vol. II. p. 418. but expresses uncertainty about the meaning (F.N.).

73. HRG'Vol. II p. 241 F.N.

74. Vel. B.U.J. XVI Part 2, 1947. p. 11.

75. Ibid.

76. Note the same root is also used in our passage.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

a vessel of the name in which soma-juice was placed and which is
said to be attended to by the priests.

AHAVA:

The word is used in the sense of a vessel where soma was stored
after pressing. (1.34.8, VI.7.2, X.101.5, 112.6). At 1.34.8, three such
vessels are associated with Asvins (traya ahavah). At VI.7.2, Agni
is said to be a big ‘ahava’ (Mahamahavam abhi sarh navanta), as he
receives ample soma-juices. At X.101.5, the large vessels are
expected to be kept ready at the time of the soma-pressing (niraha-
van kj-notana). At X.112.6 (purna ahavo madirasya madhvo yam
visva idabhiharyanti devah), it is referred to as a big vessel full of
soma from which all the gods are given offerings. It appears to be
made of wood as indicated at X.101.7 (dronahavam).

KALASA : 77

The ‘kalasas’ appear to be vessels commonly used in the sacrifice
as they are mentioned very frequently. Soma-juice is said to be
flowing towards them (IX.17.4, 67.14) noisily (IX.18.7, 75.3, 85.5,
96.24). The cow’s milk is said to be mixed with soma-juice in the
kalasas as in the camus (IV.27.5, IX.8.6, 72.1, 74.8, etc.). As other
‘kalasas’ were known, those used for carrying the soma were dis¬
tinguished as ‘soma-dhana’ (IX.97.33). They are merely referred
to as ‘soma-dhana’ at IX.108.16.

Indra and Visnu are metaphorically referred to as ‘somadhana
kalasa’ at VI.69.6 as ample soma-juice was offered to them. Even
the priests are said to have drunk ‘kalasas’ in the sacrifices (X.167.3,
tavahamadya maghavannupastutau . .. . kalasan abhak§ayam ]).

They appear to be a number of small vessels of a particular size,
filled separately and possibly earmarked for a divinity at the place
of sacrifice. Thus cf. III.32.15 (apfirno asya kalasah svaha | ). This

i9 also indicated at IX.86.16 (somah kalase.satayamna patha),

Where sorrta*juice is said to be flowing in a hundred-fold way towards
the kalasas.

KOSA :

Kosa appears to be used in the sense of a large vessel for storing
the soma-juice (II.16.5, VI.54.3, IX.23.4, 36.2, 86.1, 87.1, 107.12, etc.).
It is said to be made of gold at IX.75.3.

GRAHA:

At X.114.5, twelve small cups of soma-juice are referred to
(grahan somasya mimate dvadasa). For the idea of a number of

77. VMH. 1.167, 83 ff.

fHE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

small vessels, see ‘kalasa’ above. Grahas thus appear to be similar
to the kalaias, so called perhaps as they were specifically meant for
certain divinities at a later stage of the ritual.

CAMASA :

The word has a special importance on account of the interesting
reference to the ‘camasa’ of Tva$tr said to be made into four by the
Rbhus, which act particularly is said to have given them a place in
the midst of the divinities. Derived from the root ‘cam’ like
‘chalnu’, It has the sense of a drinking vessel, used in a sacrifice.
A new cup of Tva$(r is referred to at 1.20.6 (uta tyarn camasam
navam tva$turdevasya ni?krtam). As compared with ‘chamus’,
which are broader vessels, chamasas perhaps were smaller ones as
many such vessels are said to be meant for Indra at 1.54.9 (tubhyedete
bahuta adridUgdha.... camasa indrapanah). This is also supported
by their being referred to as ‘devapana’ (1.161.5, IV.35.5, X.16.18).
‘Camasa’ is said to be very dear to the gods (priyo devanam).

It was made of wood as indicated at 1.161.1 (na nindima
camasam yo mahakulo bhraturdruna id bhutimudima) where the
Rbhus are assuring Agni that it was not an insult to the camasa but
glory to the tree that it was made into four. The same fact is indi¬
cated also at X.68.8 (ni$tajjabhara camasam na vrksat | ).

In describing the precautions necessary for a soma-sacrifice by
the metaphor of fighting, the poet warns the sacrifices to see that
the vessels are not leaking and are fortified properly at X.101.8
(m3 vah susroccamaso drmhata tarn j ).

The innovation introduced by the Rbhus in the old camasa of
Tvas(r was apparently of great sacrificial importance as it has given
a place of honour in the sacrifice to the Rbhus. 78 Tvastr also appears
to have occupied a significant place in the ritual before the Rbhus
came on the scene, as is indicated at 1.161 (quoted above), where
they are giving a defence of their action and at 1.161.5 (camasam ye
devapanam anindisuh), where Tvastr is said to be charging them
fts having desecrated the drinking vessel of the gods. The same fact
about Tva$tr is also indicated at X.76.3 (go arnasi tvastre asvanirnlji
premadhVaresU adhvaran asisrayuh), where some mixture of soma
and milk seems to have been associated with Tvastr as an innovation
introduced by him. Dadhyac is said to have revealed the ‘madhu’
to AiVinS, which is said to be a secret of Tvastr (1.117.22, sa vara
madhu pra vocadytayan tvastram yad dasravapikaksyam varhj).
Tvasfr’s skill as an artisan who fashioned certain vessels for the
offering of soma-juice to the gods, is referred to explicitly at X.53.9

78. Cf. my paper on the Rbhus in B.U.J. XXI 1952.

SACRIFICE IN THE ?GVEDA

(tvasta maya vedapasamapastamo bibhratpatra devapanani santama j).
He is also said to have fashioned an axe for Brahmanaspati (X.53.9cd).
Tva§tr’s mighty work is said to be supported by Agni at III.7.4

(mahitvastram urjayantirajuryam stabhuyamanam.), which

apparently is the one, cancerning the sacrifice. It is this intimate
association with sacrifice that makes a poet invoke him for protec¬
tion in all the sacrifices (V.5.9, yajne yajne na udava | ).

Thus it would be clear that Tvastr was occupying a place of
importance in the sacrificial world by his manifold service to the
cause of sacrifice. It is for this reason that the work of the Rbhus
came to be criticized for some time.

It should be noted that the old vessel of Tvastr is said to be
‘made’ into four and not broken into four (cf. 1.161.2, IV.35.4), thus
indicating that the Rbhus substituted the old vessel by four new
handy vessels. The interesting description at IV.33.5 (jyestha aha
camasa dva kareti kanlyan trin krnavametyaha | kanistha aha
caturaskareti | ), possibly indicates the fact that after some discus¬
sion the old vessel was decided to be made into four. The idea seems
to have originated with the necessity of replacing the old vessel,
which for some reason or the other was found unsuitable for the
purposes of the sacrificial performance.

It appears however that the employment of a ‘camasa’ did not
form part of an ordinary sacrificial performance; otherwise along
with drona, kalasa, etc., it would have been mentioned in the ninth
mandala. The vessel of Tvastr also does not find any reference in
that mandala and hence it is possible that both the vessel of Tvastr
and the four vessels of the Rbhus that substituted it, were employed
in some specialised performance, as would also be suggested by
1.117.22 (quoted above), where a secret of Tvastr is referred to.

CAMU : 79

They are referred to very frequently as two broad and hollow-
in-the-middle vessels, in which soma-juice was made to flow after
purification, before being taken up in other vessels. The word
‘camusu’ is used in almost an equal number of passages as the word
‘camu’ is used. At VIII.2.8, three ‘camus’ are said to be full of soma-
juice (tisrah camvah supurnah). Their shape has made their com¬
parison with the heaven and earth possible (cf. 1.64.33; III.55.20). It
is not clear whether they were meant to be kept one over the other
as the earlier comparison would imply so as to form an enclosure
as indicated at IX.107.10 (jano no puri camvorvisad harih). The two
vessels were possibly used for the mixing of milk with the soma-

79. Cf. VMH. Vol. I. p. 164.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

juice as indicated at IX.86.47 (camvoh a samajyase gobhih) and at
IX.93.3 (murdhanam gavah payasa camu§u abhisrinanti j ). After
purification soma-juice is said to be going to the camus (IX.103.4,
‘somah punanah camvorvisad harih, 97.2, camvoh puyamanah’; also
IX. 97.48, 107.10.) and as such, is also referred to as pressed out in
the camus (VI.57.2, IV.18.3, VIII.82.7, 8; X.24.1), or sitting in the
camus (IX.62.16, 72.5, etc.).

TRIKADRUKA : a °

The word is used in plural in the Rgveda at 1.32.3, 11.11.17, 15.1,
22.1; X.14.16. Sayana explains the word as a type of sacrifice. As
the word ‘kadru’ is used in the sense of a vessel for storing soma-
juice at VIII.45.26 (apibat kadruvah sutasya), where Indra is said
to have drunk the juice from the vessel of that name, the word may
indicate a group of three vessels or even a kind of performance
where the three vessels were used for keeping the soma-juice.

DRONA:

The word is used in the sense of ‘wood’ at VI.2.8 and at other
places, indicates a vessel made of wood. In almost all the passages
VI.37.22, 44.20; IX.28.4, 30.4, 33.2, 37.6, 65.19, 98.2), the soma-juice
is said to be flowing towards the ‘Drona’ vessels. Soma is thus refer¬
red to as ‘dronyah pasuh’ at V.50.4. Cow’s milk is not referred to
in ‘drona’ as in the camus. At IX.96.13, soma is said to be occupying
the drona vessels where ghee was already placed before (ava dronani
ghrtavanti sida) which may indicate that soma-juice was mixed with
‘ghrta’ in these vessels. In a general way, perhaps these different
vessels were specifically employed for mixing up different things
with the soma-juice.

DHISANA .-s 1

At 1.96.1, IX.59.2 and X.17.2, the word is used in the sense of a
vessel for soma-juice.

NISKRTA :

The word appears to be used at places in the sense of a vessel
towards which the soma juice ultimately flows. The idea of the
employment of the word has apparently come from the general sense
of the word ‘niskrta’ as a place of residence or the place intended to
be reached. The vessel being the place, towards which the soma
had ultimately to go, came to be styled accordingly. Thus ‘soma’
is said to be flowing towards the ‘niskrta’ of the gods (IX.78.1, 86.7,

80. V. I Vol. I. p. 329.

81. V. I. I. 399-400.

SACRIFICE IN THE fcGVEBA

suddho devanamupayati niskrtam) or towards the ‘m$krta’ of Indra.
(IX.64.15, Indrasya yahi ni?krtam; IX.101.6, . .. . vrsS. .. .indrasya-
bhyeti nskrtam). This may indicate that vessels were earmarked
for certain gods occasionally. 82

PATRA:

In a general sense as a ‘vessel’ or ‘vessels’ used for soma-juice,
the word ‘patra’ is used at 1.175.1, X.53.9 (see quoted above) where
Tva?tr is said to have fashioned vessels for the drinking of the gods
(devapanani), at X.105.10 83 (yaya sve patre sincase) and at X.44.5
anadhpsya tava patrani dharmana). At X.44.5 and 105.10, the patras
are said to belong to Indra. cf. also VI.44.16 (idam tyat patram indra-
panarh). This also indicates as in the case of ‘ni§krta’ the idea of
earmarking certain vessels for certain gods in a sacrificial perform¬
ance.

6ADA :

At IX.15.6 (ava sadesu gacchati), the word appears to be used
in the sense of a vessel or vessels which are referred to as ‘Drona’
in the following stanza.

SAMVARANA:

At IX.107.9, the word indicates the vessels to which soma-juice
flows after it is mixed with milk, curds, etc (cf. anupe goman gobhi-
raksah somo dugdhabhirak$ah samudram na samvarananyagman. .).
It denotes an enclosure derivatively. Agni is said to be coming out
of enclosure. (VII.3.2, mahah samvaranadasthat.) As Agni and
Soma are frequently compared with a horse, soma too can be asso¬
ciated with an enclosure. The simile is particularly apt as describing
how the different things mixed with soma-juice in the vessels become
identified with it even as different rivers with the ocean.

HOTRA:

The words Hotra, Potra, Nestra, Brahmana ate used in the
sense of vessels through which the soma is said to be offered to
different divinities. 84 Thus cf. 11.37.1-4, where ‘Dravipodas’ is said
to be drinking soma. At 1.15.9 also Dravlnodas is said to be offered
‘soma’ in the ‘nestra’ vessel. At II.36.1, Indra is said to be offered
‘soma’ in the ‘hotra’. Maruts are said to be drinking soma from the
‘potra’ at II.36.2d and 1.15.2. Indra is said to be offered soma in
the ‘Brahmana’ at 1.15.5 and II.36.5.

82. Cf. ‘camasa’ above; ‘pStra’ below.

83. See ‘darvi’ above.

84. It may be noted that the words do not signify the vessels always but also
as the duties of the respective priests, indicating that such names were coined
occasionally. Thus ‘Nestra’ at II. 1.2, X. 91.10; ‘Potra’ at I. 76.4, II. 1.2, X. 22 ,
91.10; ‘Hotra’ at 1.76.4, II.1.2 etc.

THE SCENE OF THE SACRIFICE

This association of different divinities with different vessels
very possibly indicates the association of the priests mainly with the
worship of the divinities concerned.

‘Hotriya’ referred to at 1.83.2 (apo na devirupayanti hotriyaih,
avah pasyanti vitatam yatha rajah) where the ‘devih apah’ are said
to be ‘not’ approaching the Hotriya vessel, appears to be the same
as ‘hotra’.

‘CARU’:

The word is used in the sense of a cauldron which appears to be
heated in fire as indicated at VII.104.2 (caruragnivan iva), which is
said to be possessed of a lid or cover as indicated at 1.162.13
(apidhana carunam), which used to be stirred as indicated at IX.52.3
(carurna yas tamihkhaye), and which used to be opened at the time
of making the offering as indicated at 1.7.6 (sa no vrsannamurii carum
satradavannapavrdhi).

It is not clear as to for what purpose it was used in the Rgvedic
ritual. It may perhaps indicate the ‘gharma’ vessel which was used
for heating the milk or for cooking an offering and hence the neces¬
sity of the lid for it. 85

A glance at the scene of sacrifice described above can give us
some broad indications of the general character and the growth of
the sacrifice in the days of the Rgveda. The implements most
commonly used indicate a simple fire and soma ritual that was per¬
formed ordinarily in the household without much of mechanical
rigidity as can be seen even in the case of the fairly stereotyped
ritual of the AprI hymns. 86 The reference to the peculiar imple¬
ments used in the Asvamedha as also the various vessels associated
with the soma-juice indicate the fact that the ritual was growing.
The variety of the vessels with different names shows that different
families were experimenting with the ritual and appear to be quite
at a liberty to do it as the form of the ritual was not fixed. Words
like ‘samvarana’, ‘niskrta’, etc., appear to be metaphorical expressions
for certain soma vessels.

The reference to the sacrifices being performed in the vicinities
of certain rivers and the absence of regular places of those perform¬
ances also indicate the wide choice enjoyed by the people in the
form of those performances. Ordinary performances appear to be
held in the households and the bigger ones associated with some
patrons, on the banks of certain rivers as indicated at V.62.6, though
the latter appear to be rather as an exception than the rule.

85. There are certain implements and vessels exclusively used in the Asvamedha
hymn (I. 162) like ‘ukha’ ‘yusmanya’ etc., for which see Chapter XI.

86. AHR B.U.J. 1945-6 and Chapter XI.

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

The stage of experimentation is also indicated in the substitu¬
tion of certain implements by others as can be seen in the case of
the ‘camasa’. The reference to the service of Tvastr and the ftbhus
indicates the enthusiastic response of the people to the cause of the
sacrifice, increasing with a very healthy spirit of rivalry among
them.

The variety in the names of the implements like the ladles and
the vessels, may indicate the influence of different regions and the
different priestly families.

The association of the altar, which was the centre of sacrificial
performance, with the idea of Itta indcates how the sacrifice was
sought to be widened in its sphere of activity so as to include the
idea of an all-round progressive life within its purview. And as
such the place of sacrifice, it appears, was becoming the centre of
all cultural activity, a nucleus, which was providing all the vitalising
energy that was necessary for the growth of a highly cultural and
civilized social organism.

Chapter Five

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

ffWt fqWTPPT I (UV. IX. 63.5)

ferret ar^rr i (uv. ix. 12.7)

SYNOPSIS :

Offerings and the course of sacrifice — as expressions of human sentiments —
their significance for the sacrifice — gods distinguished on the basis of offerings

— variety in offerings indicative of stages of development — circumstances deter¬
mining the popularity of offerings — relative importance — Ghrta — consequent
importance of the cov.'S — Sabardugha — A"ni and the offering—Mitravaruna

— ghrta mixed with other offerings — ghrta and the Vedi, — like Agni, importance
of ghrta never diminished in sacrifice — Soma influencing the sacrifice — con¬
sidered to be the best of offerings—comparatively later —first drink of soma.—
sacrifice the cause of its divinity —the epithets with a bearing on the sacrifice —
the soma-pressing — mixing with various substances — Triprstha — quantity in
which it was offered — Tiro’ahnya — The Savanas -— Pratah-savana — Madhyan-
dina savana — Trtlya savana —

Apupa — ajya — ahuti — Ila — Karamba — gharma — dhar.ah — paktih —
payah — purolasa — Prksa — Prayah — Sarpih — Madhu — Havih — gods and the
offerings — Svaha, Vasat - animal offerings in the Rgveda-hymns — Daksina —
gods and the offerings — offerings and the mantras.

The conception of sacrifice is based on the offerings to be given
to the divinity for its propitiation and hence offerings can be fitfully
said to be co-existent with the sacrifice. They have thus played a
vital role in the origination of the institution of the sacrifice and have
apparently continued to influence it in the later stages of its growth.
Offerings can be said to be symbolic of what the people think about
themselves and their divinities and the changing moods of the social
organism can be seen to be reflected in their ideas about the offerings
in the sacrifice. The hymns, while praising the gods for their great¬
ness and glory, also serve the purpose of recommending the offerings
for their acceptance. In fact the acceptance of the sacrifice by the
gods is the acceptance of the offerings, offered therein.

As it will be observed later, the Rgvedic Aryans distinguished
the gods according to the offerings they liked most and hence it can
be realised how the popularity of the offering would change with the
change in the popularity of the worship of the divinity concerned.
It is in this way that the sacrifice would be instrumental in moulding
the ideas about religion in both its theoretical and practical aspects.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

The predominance of the soma-offering in the hymns of the
Rgveda, which has almost shadowed into insignificance other types
of offerings and which is also indicated by the separate collection
of the soma hymns in the ninth Mandala, has led various scholars
to propound different views about the Rgvedic collection. 1 The
separate collection of soma-hymns, it may be noted, does not appear
to have been prompted by any necessity of a sacrificial character,
though the hymns visualise a sacrificial offering during the entire
course of their composition. Their compilation in two groups of
(1-60) and (61-114) also appears to have a literary principle in view.
The arrangement in the descending order of the hymns has been
scrupulously observed in the first group of (1-60) hymns. Thus
though the hymns have not been compiled with a definite ritual in
view, they have apparently helped the advancement of the soma-
ritual in general in the days of the Rgveda.

There is a variety of other offerings which is occasionally indi¬
cative of the popularity of the worship of a deity during a certain
period and in general of the growth of the idea and practice of the
sacrifice.

The popularity of a particular material as offering or offerings
in the Rgvedic sacrifice seems to have been determined by three
different factors, viz., availability of the material, the idea of divinity
to which the material was to be offered and the condition under
which the offering could be given. It is for this reason that the
relative importance of the various materials employed in the Rgvedic
sacrifice has to be noted clearly, so that some idea about the way
in which the sacrifice has advanced can be obtained.

GHRTA:

The offering of ‘ghrta’ appears to be the commonest of all the
offerings, inasmuch as it seems to have been offered both indepen¬
dently as well as along with some other offerings. The reason for
this vogue is quite obvious. The sacrifice has originated and grown
on account of the peculiar role of Agni, who is said to be conveying
the oblations and sacrificial performances to the gods. The offering
of ghee would keep the fire blazing and would facilitate the offerings
of other oblations as well. Besides it was an offering which could
be easily accessible to all. It is this easy accessibility of the offering
which must have made people saerificially minded at the early
stages of the sacrifice and as such can be surmised to be the earliest
of the offerings.

1. VMH Vol. I. p. 202 where he propounds the view about the RV. Samhita being
a ‘Hotr—purohita-samhita’. MaxMiiller (ASL p. 247) thinks that the RV.
Samhita is not a ‘hotr-samhita’ (for quotation of the view cf. Chapter I p. 5
above). For discussion of the view of the ritualistic version of the RV. Sam¬
hita cf. (chapter I pp. 9-11 above and LEV. Renou pp, 3-7.)

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

It is this offering which made the cow, from whose milk it was
prepared, occupy an important place in the social life of the people.
Cows came to be considered as indispensable and their service to
the cause of the sacrifice came to be glorified in different places.
Such a cow came to be known as “Sabardugha”. Such cows are
referred to in a Visve-deva hymn along with the other gods. cf. III.
55.16 (a dhenavo dhunayantamasisvih sabardughah sasaya apra-
dugdhah. . . .). Rbhus are credited with the fashioning of this
sacrificial cow at 1.20.3 (taksan dhenuih sabardugharh). cf. also VI.
48.11, X.61.11, etc. It is said to belong to Agni at X.69.8. Indra is
metaphorically said to be such a cow at VIII.1.10 and Dyavaprthivi
at III.6.4.

The cows in general therefore are referred to as guarded by
Indra and are said to be recovered by him along with Brhaspati
when they were stolen away by the Panis. The interest that Indra
has shown along with Angirasas, 2 perhaps the originators of the
idea of sacrifice, in winning back the cows indicates how the cows
were indispensable for the sacrifice and how the mischief of the
Panis was thus directed towards creating obstacles in the way of
the sacrifices. 3

The importance of the ghrta in the sacrifice is clear as the
sacrifice is called ‘ghrtavan’ (1.142.2). It is said to be kept ready
for the purposes of the sacrifice along with the soma-juice at 1.135.7.
The sacred grass used to be sprinkled over with ghee (II.3.4,
ghrtenaktarii barhih). It appears to be offered before any other
offering in the sacrifice as indicated at III.21.1 (ghrtasya hotah
prasana prathamo ni^adya). With the same idea in view, Naraiaiiisa
is said to be anointing the gods, his mind dripping with ghee (II.3.2,
ghrtapru^a manasa havyamundan murdhan yajnasya samanaklu
devan).

It appears to be heated before employment in the sacrifice with
the idea of purifying it. (cf. IV.1.6, suci ghrtam na taptamaghnyayah;
IV. 10.6, ghrtam na putam). Its purity is indicated by Agni’s body
being compared with it (IV.10.6); the hymn of sacrifice also is com¬
pared similarly (VIII. 12.4, imam stomam ghrtam na putam; VIII.
39.3, manmani. . ..ghrtam na). The ghee was primarily meant for
Agni as he is said to be anointed with ghee at X.118.6 and worshipped
with it cf. also III.1.7, 8; (II.7.4). It is said to be offered in the fire
with a sruc (cf. 1.110.6; V.14.3; VI.11.5, ‘ghrtavati sruc’). The ladle
being mainly associated with ghee, came to be referred to as
‘ghrtaci’ (cf. chapter IV).

Unlike other gods, Agni gets a variety of epithets based on
‘ghrta’, indicating the predominance of ghee in the Agni-ritual. This

2. Vide chapter VII for ‘Angirasas’.

3. For attitude of the Panis towards the sacrifice, cf. chapter IX.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

large variety of epithets makes it clear that even when Indra and
the other gods came to be worshipped with Agni as the intermediary,
the emphasis on the worship of Agni as an independent individual
divinity was never abandoned.

Thus ghee is said to be the food of Agni (VII.3.1, ‘ghrtanna’).
With ample offering of ghee in view, he is said to be dripping with
ghee (V.26.2, ‘ghrtasnu’), along with his chariot (V.17.3) and horses
(IV.6.9). Ghee is said to be his glory (1.128.4, V.8.3, ‘ghrtasrih’). In
fact ghee appears to be considered as pervading the whole existence
of Agni, as indicated by epithets like ‘ghrtayoni’ (V.8.6), ‘ghpta-
prasatta’ (V.15.1), ‘ghrtapratika’ (1.143.7), ‘ghrtakesa’ (VIII.60.2),
‘ghrtanirnik’ (X.122.2).

It is thus that the idea of the close association of Agni with
‘ghrta’ is conveyed in a variety of ways. Among other deities asso¬
ciated with the fire-ritual with ghrta as the principle offering,
Mitravaruna appear to be quite predominant. Thus they are said
to be ‘ghrtasutl’ (1.136.1; 11.41.6) and to indicate the offering of ghrta
to them as directly as to Agni, they are also referred to as ‘ghrtayoni’
(V.68.2). This ghrta is said to be offered to them in every sacrifice
(1.136.1, yajne yajne upastuta).

This indicates the fact that ghrta was the earlier offering when
Mitra and Varuna had a place of importance in the sacrifice and that
the importance of the Mitra-Varuna worship decreased with the
appearance of soma in the field, which brought Indra worship into
prominence. 4 As alreay observed, Agni retained his importance
however, on account of his indispensability for the purposes of the
sacrifice.

The ghrta, being an offering by itself, was also employed in
association with other offerings. Thus ‘soma’ is said to be mixed
with ghee (IX.82.1, ghrtavan somah; X.29.6) and with ‘apupa’ (X.45.9).
Oblations in general are also mixed with ghee (X.14.14, ghrtavad
havih; VIII.8.15 ghrtascyut urj; ‘ghrtascyutah isah VIII.8.16). The
personified sacrificial food is also associated with ghrta (VII.16.8,
ila ghrtahasta; X.70.8, ila devi ghrtapadi).

The altar, on account of the kindling of fire wherein the ghee
was offered, is referred to as ‘ghrtapratika’ even like Agni himself

4. At VIII.2.6 (gobhiryadimanya asman mrgarh na vra mrgayante I abhitsaranti
dhenubhih), people who intended to attract Indra by the offering of milk as
against the some-juice, are referred to. In the early stages, some-juice was
not well-prepared as indicated at VIII.2.5 na yam sukro na durasir na trpra
uruvyacasam | apa sprnvate suhardarh [| ); but even still Indra is said to
have preferred it to the offering of milk, indicating how the soma—offering
has been associated with Indra right from the beginning. For Prof. Velankar’s
interpretation of the passage, cf. Vel. B.U.J. Vol. XIV 1945, p. 8 F.N.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

Of)

(X. 114.3). The sacrificers offering ghrta prominently are referred to
as ‘ghrtascyutah’ and ‘ghrtaprayasah’ (III.43.3). 5 6

Thus it can be said that whatever happened to the popularity
of the other offerings on account of the changing ideas regarding
the mode of performance, the place of ghrta remained constant even
as the place of Agni among the divinities.

SOMA ;6

Never perhaps has an offering influenced the course of the
sacrifice, as ‘soma’ appears to have done in the case of the Rgvedic
sacrifice. It would be no exaggeration to say that the Rgvedic sacri¬
fice is what it is mainly on account of the soma-offering. Once it
came to be employed, it appears to have caught the fancy of the
sacrifices to such an extent that it threw into background all other
offerings and came to be recognised as “the offering among the
offerings” (IX.7.2, havirhavi$su vandyah). For the same reason it
is said to be the best or the dearest or the sweetest of the offerings
(IX.67.28, uttamam havih; IX.34.5, caru priyatamam havih; 1.84.4,
jyestham amartyam madarir, VII.91.5, madhvo agram).

The influence of the soma juice on the gods becomes further
evident by the fact that a group of gods, who are specially supposed
to be entitled to receive soma-juice are specifically referred to as
belonging to “the soma-group” or “the brotherhood of soma”.
(X.92.10, ‘somajamayah).

This grouping of the gods on the basis of the offering of soma,
makes it clear that there were other gods, who were believed to be
not belonging to the group or were receiving some other offering
prominently. This appears to be the offering of milk as suggested
by a simile at VIII.2.6, (quoted above), or of ghrta as indicated at
X.69.2 (referred to above).

Thus it is possible to infer that milk and its products were being
offered as oblations in the early stages of the sacrifice and ‘soma’
came to be introduced later. Perhaps as a compromise with the
earlier custom of offering milk and ghee, that soma came to be mixed
with them. (cf. below).

This fact of the later introduction of soma as an offering in the
sacrifice, also appears to be indicated by the observation of a poet
in the tenth mandala, who appears to have the evolution of sacrifice
before his mind (cf. X.11.4, adha tyaih drapsarh vibhvam vicak$anam
virabharat isitah syeno adhvare I yadi viso vrnate dasmamarya agnirh

5. For a characteristic ghrta offering of Vadhryasva cf. X.69.2 (under ‘Vadhr¬
yasva’ in chapter VIII).

6. Der Rgveda: Geidner Vol. Ill (pp. 1-9).

100

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

hotararh adha dhirajayataThus it is said that Agni was chosen
as the hotr first, which indicates the employment of Agni for the
purposes of the sacrifice and then comes the production of the hymn
for the same purpose (d); it is afterwards that soma is said to have
been brought for the perfection of the sacrifice (adhvare in b).

As far as the relative position of Indra and soma in the sacrifice
is concerned, it would appear that the soma-offering was in existence
even before Indra came to be introduced in the Rgvedic sacrifice.
This is indicated by a number of passages where Indra is said to be
drinking soma as soon as he was born. cf. VII.98.3 (Jajnanah somam
sahase papatha); and also III.32.9, 10; 48.1. Indra’s mother is
said to have given him ‘soma’ as soon as he was born. cf. 1.61.7;
III.48.2 (yjjayathastadaharasya kamemioh piyusamapibo giristharii I
tam te mata pari yosa janitri mahah piturdama asineadagre i]). It is
then that soma seems to have attained greater importance along with
Indra in the Rgvedic sacrifice, at which stage the conflict between
the soma and milk offerings must have occurred (cf. VIII.2.6, f.n.
p. 98 above).

Numerically, the sacrificial epithets of soma are second in im¬
portance only to those of Agni. It may be noted that a comparison
of some of these epithets will give an indication of the relative
position of Indra, Agni and Soma in the system of sacrifice. It will
be noted that the importance of Soma for the sacrificial performance
has been clearly stressed, while his position as the material of the
sacrifice never appears to have been lost sight of. Thus it is signifi¬
cant that he is never referred to as enjoying the sacrifice as Indra
and Agni are said to be doing. And hence it can be said that soma
in the Rgveda is mainly the soma-juice, glorified on account of its
importance in the sacrifice, even to the extent of its being considered
as a divinity (vide Chapter III).

Thus he is said to be the banner and lustre of the sacrifice (IX.
86.7, yajnasya ketuh; IX.86.10, jyotih yajnasya). He is said to be
making the sacrifice perfect and charming (IX.3.8, 86.7; IX.44.4, 9,
cakranascarumadhvaram). In fact he is said to be the soul or self
of the sacrifice (IX.2.10, 6.8, purvya atma yajnasya). His indispen¬
sability for the sacrificial performance as well as the place of central
importance are indicated by the epithets ‘Rtasya nabhih’ (IX.74.4);
‘Rtasya tantuh’ (IX.73.9); ‘Rtasya garbhah’ (IX.68.5); with a very
significant epithet, he is said to be ‘the tongue of the sacrifice (Rtasya
jivha, IX.75.2). Unlike other gods his instrumentality in the sacrifi¬
cial performance is indicated by the epithets, ‘yajnasadhanah’ (IX.
72.4) and ‘vitaye sadhanarh’ (IX.105.3). With a greater emphasis he
is said to be the chief means of the sacrifice (IX.62.29, agram
sadhanam).

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

101

The same fact about soma being mainly the soma-juice appears
to be indicated by the reference to ‘soma’ as the drink of Indra and
also by the details of the pressing of the soma-juice which are so
frequently referred to in the soma hymns of the ninth mandala.

Thus soma is said to be going exclusively to Indra (IX.69.6d,
nendradrte pavate dhama kimcana); all the soma-pressings are said
to be meant for Indra (1.131.1, indraya visva savanani manuka).
Even the gods are said to have proclaimed it accordingly (IX.101.5,
indurindraya pavata iti devaso abruvan). In practically all the
hymns of the ninth mandala, the fact of soma juice flowing for Indra

has been referred to (IX.1.1, 4.4., 6.7.107.17, 110.11, etc.).

Some poets, in their enthusiasm even refer to soma-juice as going
directly to the belly of Indra (IX.70.10; 76.3, 81.1; 80.3, 109.18,
pra soma yahi indrasya kuksam). Indra is said to be drinking soma
in such quantities that the heart of Indra has become a reservoir of
soma, towards which soma is asked to flow. (IX.70.9, indrasya hardi
somadhanamavisa |). All the powerful deeds of Indra are said to
be done under the influence of the soma-juice (cf. IX.23.7, 85.2, 113.1,
etc.). In a typical hymn (11.15), various deeds of Indra have been
described and every stanza has a refrain (somasya ta made indrasca-
kara [), saying that Indra did all of them under the influence of soma.

This relationship between the two is emphasized by a number
of other epithets, cf. ‘Indrasya priyah’ (IX.98.6); ‘Indrasya sakha’
(IX.96.2, 101.2; X.25.9); ‘Indrasya sakhyarh jusanah (IX.97.11, VIII.
48.2); as being the drink of Indra. ‘Indrapltah’ (IX.8.9); ‘Indra-
panah’ (IX.96.3); ‘Indrapatamah’ (IX.99.3). The cosmological func¬
tion of entire creation along with that of Indra is ascribed to him
(IX.96.5), with his divinity in view.

The details of pressing that are given practically in all the
hymns also indicate that the poets have in view the soma-juice. The
epithets describe the various stages of the pressing.

With the pressing by the stones in view, soma is called
‘adridugdhah’ (IX.54.9, 97.11); ‘adrisutah’ (IX.72.4); ‘adrisamhatah’
(IX.98.6); ‘adrau duduhanah’ (IX.96.10); ‘gravna tunnah’ (IX.67.19);
sutah gravabhih (IX.80.4); with the washing of the plant in water
in view, he is called ‘apo vasanah’ (IX.16.2); ‘srlnannapah’ (IX.109.22,
23); ‘mrjanah apsu’ (IX.96.10); ‘uk?tah aparh urmau (IX.72.7). With
the pounding of the plant with both the hands in view, he is called
‘eoditah nrbahubhyam’ (IX.72.5); ‘mrjyamanah sukarmabhih daiabhih
(IX.70.4); ‘hinvano goradhi tvaci’ (IX.65.25). When the juice is
flowing on the strainer, he is said to be ‘ahitah pavitre antah’ (IX.
12.5); ‘pavitram abhyundan (IX.61.4); ‘pavitre vitatah’ (IX.73.9),
‘punanah vararh’ (IX.82.1).

102

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

With the flow across the planks in view, it is referred to as
‘sutah camvoh’ (IX.108.10); ‘camu sutah’ (IX.46.3).

When the juice has reached the vessels, it is described as
‘ahitah kalase^u’ (IX.12.5); ‘kalasam avisan’ (IX.62.19); ‘karsman
svetam kalasam (IX.74.8). On account of its mixture with various
substances, like curds, ghee, milk, soma is referred to as ‘dadhyasirah’
(IX.23.3, 101.12); ‘unnitadadhna’ (IX.81.1); ‘ghrtarh vasanah’ (IX.
82.2); ghrtascyut (IX.77.1); ‘ghrtasnu’ (IX.86.45); ‘pariskrtah gobhih’
(IX.61.13); ‘avftah gobhih’ (IX.86.27).

With his place on the sacred grass at the time of offering in view,
he is referred to as ‘barhisi priyah’ IIX.72.4, 107.15, etc.); ‘barhisman’
(IX.44.4).

Cleanliness, required before the starting of the pressing, is

referred to at IV.45.5 (yo niktahastah.somarh susava). The

carrying of the soma plant with the twigs tied referred to at IX.
24.2 and 27.3 (nrbhiryatah vinlyase).

Considerable importance is attached to the dipping in water of
the soma plant as it is referred to almost as frequently as the passage
of the juice across the strainer (IX.2.3, 3.6, 31.3, etc.). It would
appear that the twigs were held with both the hands by some and
others would be pouring water over them as indicated at IX.65.6
(yadadbhih pari$icyase mrjyamano gabhastyoh).

Soma is said to be resting on the ox-hide along with the pressing-
stones (IX.66.29, esa somo adhi tvaci gavam krilati adhribhih; IX.
101.16 ‘gavye adhi tvaci’) indicating the placing of the plant on the
hide.

Soma is described as pounded by a number of pressing-stones
IX.11.5, etc. (cf. Chapter IV) with both the hands (IX.14.7; 20.6,
36.4, etc.). While the pounding would proceed, the noise is poetically
described as the roaring of the bull or the lion (IX.28.4, 30.2, 33.4).

At IX.80.4 (adrayastva bapsati goradhi tvaci), the pressing of
the soma-juice is referred to as taking place, while the plant was on
the ox-hide. In later days the custom has changed as remarked by
Sayana 7 and he had to explain how there was no contradiction
between the Rgvedic passage and the custom in his time. Thus it
will be noted that just as in the case of some implements 8 , the usage
regarding the performance too has changed from the days of the
Rgvedic sacrifice.

7. Sayana’s bhasya (V.S.M. Edition p. 149). ‘Yadyapi idanlntanah krsnajine'bhi-
sunvanti na gocarmani tathapi tasmin somo miyate Krayarthm j tatha ca sati
yasminmimite tasyadhisavanacarma iti sutrat mana-sadhanasyaiva gocar-
manah adhisavana-carmatvabhidhanadavirodhah.

8. Cf. chapter IV. p. 86.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

103

After the pressing and straining of the juice, it was mixed with
various substances. It was more oftener mixed with milk as des¬
cribed poetically in a number of places. Thus it is said to be clothed
in a stainlessly white garment at IX.69.5 (amrktena rusata vasasa
harih nirnijanah); cf. also IX.2.4, 8.5, 42.1, 66.13, 95.1. It is said
to be mixed with milk at IX.46.4, 50.5, etc., IX.64.28, ‘somah
gavasirah’; also IX.84.3, etc.

It is said to be made tasteful with milk (IX.62.5; VIII.2.3
‘Svadumakarma gobhih’). The milk is said to be added in the
kalasas (IX.72.1). 9 At times milk also appears to be added before
straining as indicated at IX.97.45; 107.22; IX.103.2 ‘pari varanya-
vyaya gobhiranjano arsati’. Ghee also appears to be similarly added
(cf. IX.82.2 ghrtarh vasanah pariyasi nirnijam).

The pure soma-juice apparently was not bright in appearance
as indicated by the reference to its being made white with milk,
cf. IX.104.4 ‘gobhih te varnam abhi vasayamasi’, IX. 105-4 ‘Sucim
te varnarii adhi go$u didharaih’.

It appears that mixing with milk was optional as unmixed
soma-juice also could be offered in the sacrifice (cf. VIII. 101-10
adha niyutva ubhayasya nah piba, Sucirh somam gavasirarh).

For its mixture with ghee, cf. IX.88.2, 86.45, 77.1; VII.47.1
while offering to Indra, soma is said to be mixed with curds cf.
IX.11.6; 22.3, 81.1, 101.12; V.51.7, VII.32.4.

When Indra was offered the soma-juice along with the other
gods, it appears to be mixed with other oblations, dear to those
gods. Thus at III.52.7 and VIII.91.2, ‘karambha’, ‘dhana’ and ‘apupa’
are so referred to 10 . At VI.29.4, ‘pakti’ and ‘dhana’ are so referred
to. It is also referred to as mixed with ‘yava’ (cf. III.42.7 and
IX.68.4).

At V. 27.5 (asvamedhasya danah soma iva tryasirah), soma is
said to be mixed with three substances. The same thing appears
to be indicated when soma is referred to as ‘tridhatu’ (IX.86.46),
‘tritantu’ (IX.30.9) and ‘triprstha’ (VII.37.1, IX.62.17, 71.7, 75.3,
90.2, 106.11). The word ‘triprstha’ is interpreted differently. 11 It
however appears to refer to the mixture of soma with three sub¬
stances. In other similar compounds, ‘asvaprgtha’ (VIII.26.24),
‘ghrtaprstha’ (1.13.5), the idea of back physically or metaphorically
is always present, indicating something in close association with it.

9. Cf. under ‘Kalasa’ (chapter IV). p. 88.

10. For the offerings see below.

11. Sayana on XI.71.7 as ‘three savanas’ and on 90.2 as ‘three prstha hymns or

places of vessels or savanas’.

Ludwig: ‘working in heaven, firmament and earth’.

Geldner, Grassmann “having three backs.”

lot

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Those three things may be ‘karambha, apupa and dhana’ referred
to at III.52.1 and VIII.91.2 or ‘milk’, ‘curds’ and ‘ghee’ which are
referred to above as usually mixed with soma. 12

When ‘soma’ was thus ready, it was employed as an offering
to various gods. Its later association with the sacrifice is only
relatively so. The poets of the Rgveda already know it as a very
ancient offering, indicating possibly the extent of the chronological
strata over which the composition of the hymns has spread. Thus
it is remarked at IX.96.11 (tvaya hi nah pitarah soma purve
karmani cakruh), where sacrificial performances of old are said
to have proceeded with soma.

Very frequently the soma-juice appears to be pressed in very
large quantities, particularly when it was to be offered to Indra.
Thus he is said to be bathed 13 in soma-juice at 1.30.1 (a va indram
krivirh yatha... sinca). The soma-juice are said to be flowing as
if on a sloping region (V.2 nimnam na riyate) to Indra. Thus Indra
is said to be almost an ocean to contain ample quantities of soma-
juice. (V.3 Samudro na vyaco dadhe). The same thing is also re¬
ferred to at III.46.4 (indram somasah pradivi sutasah samudram na
sravata avisanti). Peculiar measures of soma-juice are referred to
at IV.32.17 (Satim somasya kharyah). It is for this reason that soma
is frequently said to be flowing in a hundred (IX.96.14) or thousand
streams (IX.13.1, 73.4, 89.1, 110.10 etc.).

It is possibly indicated at IX.63.14 (ete dhamani arya sukra
rtasya dharaya. . . .aksaram) that the soma-juice was an Aryan
tradition and hence the juices are said to be flowing towards the
Aryan regions. When the soma-sacrifice exercised a wider influence
on the Aryan life in general, the soma offering came to be referred
to as ‘urging on the human generations’ (hinvano manu?a yuga
1X.12.7) or ennobling or aryanising the whole human habitation
(‘krnvanto Visvam aryam’ IX.63.5).

Regarding the quality of the juice, Indra is said to be offered
the strong soma-juice. As pointed above, both the varieties of
soma, pure and mixed are referred to at VIII.101.10. The pure soma
appears to be the stronger and hence is said to be intoxicating,
(cf. V..37.4 ‘tlvram somam’, VIII.62.5, ‘tivraih somaih 14 saparyata’,
VIII. 82.2 ‘tivrah soma madayisnavah; also X.42.8, 160.1). It is
therefore possible that milk was added to dilute it or make it more
pleasant in appearance. At VI.28.8, some efficacious mixture of
soma and milk with some magical effect is referred to (upedamu-
paparcanam).

12. At V.27.5, Sayana thinks them to be dadhi, saktu, payah.

13. Cf. Vel. B.U.J. XVII. 1948 p. 8. F.N.

14. ‘Sharp-tasting’ Vel. B.U.J. XV. 1946 p. 19; VMH. Vol. I. p. 231.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

105

TIRO-ANHYA : ;

This variety is referred to as particularly liked by the Asvins,
who are associated with it at 1.47.1 (asvina tarn pibata); III.58.7;
VIII.35.19.21. At 1.45.10 all the gods and at III.28.3, 6, Agni are
associated with it, indicating that the association is of secondary
importance. This variety appears to be different from the ‘tivra’
variety of soma liked by Indra, which was strong even when it was
fresh. It is not quite clear why Asvins should be offered this type
of soma when fresh strong juices were available. It cannot be ima¬
gined that it was done for the purposes of intoxication because,
whereas Indra is described as intoxicated even with the fresh soma-
juice, Asvins are never said to be so intoxicated by the fermented
soma. It is possibly indicative of the association of the Asvins with
their non-Aryan worshippers who might be employing such variety
of soma-juice in their ritual.

It appears that it was customary to offer certain peculiar
varieties of soma-juice to certain gods. Thus just like the ‘trio-ahnya’
to Asvins, Vayu appears to be offered the pure soma-juice (cf. X.100.2
Vayave sucipe). It is for this reason that the first drink of soma is
said to go to Vayu (cf. 1.134.6 somanarh prathamah pitimarhasi;
11.11.14 pra vayavah pantyagranitim; 1.135.4). So it would be, that
the soma-juice, after pressing, was first offered to Vayu before
mixing it with the milk.

‘PANCADASA’ :

At X.27.2 (pacani te. . . .tivrarh sutarh pancadasam ni$incan).
It was a strong variety of juice but we get no more infor¬
mation about it. Whether we accept Sayana’s interpretation 16 or
not, it is obvious that different types were being tried in the soma¬
offering in order to make it more effective. This idea of experi¬
mentation indicates that the sacrifice was evolving with changes
in the mode of performance and hence the performance had not
attained any mechanical character.

THE SAVANAS :’ 7

Whenever soma may have come to be introduced in the
RgVedic sacrifice, the idea of a specialised rite as a ‘Savana’ appears
to have been introduced with the prominence of the Indra-worship.

15. VMH. Vol. I p. 237.

16. Sayana: ‘Pratiprabhrti pancadasasarhkhyakasu tithisu suklapakse ekottara
vrddhya parnani jayante ! Krsnapakse tu tadvannihiyante | evarhbhutatvat
pancadasah soma ucyate | Yadva trivrt-pancadasa stomopetam madhyandina-
savanakamityarthah | The alternative explanations of Sayana indicate that
his interpretation is a conjectural one.

17. VMH. I. p. 256-262.

106

SACRIFICE IN THE FGVEDA

It is clear that ‘savana’ is conceived as quite distinct from an ordi¬
nary soma-pressing. Whereas soma-offerings are associated with
all the deities, ‘Savanas’ are restricted to the worship of a limited
number of divinities.

The idea of ‘Savana’ appears to have originated with the idea
of distinguishing between the soma offered to Indra from that
offered to the other divinities, as the ‘soma’ must have come to be
offered to all the divinities when it came to be introduced as an
offering. The distinction appears to have been drawn on the basis of
the quantity of soma-juice pressed out and the continued soma¬
pressing to have been designated as the ‘Savana’. This would also
be necessary on account of the large quantity of soma required
to be offered to Indra. (cf. under ‘soma’ above).

This association of Indra with the ‘Savana’ is also indicated
by the mention of his presence even when the ‘Savanas’ are said to
be offered to some other divinities. It would thus appear that though
the ‘Savana’ was introduced for the sake of Indra, some other divi¬
nities also were sought to be associated with the soma-ritual as it
had grown in its association with Indra. Thus it is remarked by a
poet that Indra alone is associated equally with all the savanas.
(1.131.2 Visveju hi tva savane$u tunjate samanamekam;) He is said
to be worshipped in all the savanas (X.50.4 Visve$u savanesu
yajniyahl cf. also 1.173.8; X.111.5). The majority of the savanas
are said to be going to Indra (VII.22.6 bhuri hi te savana; X.89.16
puruni tva savana; also VI.47.14, 96.6).

Thus it will be observed that it was out of the idea of assigning
certain amount of prominence to the divinity, that a particular
aspect of sacrifice was being evolved, supporting our view about
the evolution of the idea of divinity through the medium of sacrifice
in gradual stages, which are dependent on the worship of the divi¬
nities either individually or jointly.

All the three savanas do not appear to have been in existence
when the idea of savana originated. This has been inferred even
on the basis of the complicated ritual associated with the third
savana by Dr. M. Haug 18 and may possibly be indicated by the con¬
tinuation of the two pressings in the Avesta ritual. The introduction
of the third savana appears to have been prompted by the idea of
bringing the savanas in line with the three stations of the Surya
(IV.54.4 ye te trirahan savitah savaso dive dive soubhagamasuvanti;
cf. also VIII. 1.29 where Indra is said to be offered hymns thrice a
day). The work of the Rbhus in connection with the soma-vessel
associated with the ritual and their consequent accommodation in

18. ABI p. 35.“that we must ascribe to it quite a different origin than to

the two other libations.”

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE lOT

the third savana, as also the reference to the residence of the Ifohus
with the god Savitr (1.161.13, 1.110.3; IV.33.7) are worthy of note
in this context as they indicate how the new aspects of sacrifice
were being evolved in association with the divinities.

PRATAHSAVA:

At III.28.1 (jusasva no havih purolasam jatavedah | pratahsave ],),
Agni is asked to enjoy a ‘purodasa’ in the morning libation. In the
course of the hymn (v.4 purolasm. . . tava bhagadheyam and v.5
purolasamahutam), it is said to be a special offering to Agni, though
the soma was pressed (and reserved for some other divinity or divi¬
nities). As a side-offering, it also seems to be offered to Indra in
all the three savanas as indicated at (III.52-4-6). In the morning
libation, when soma was given to a number of deities, the first offer¬
ing appears to be made to Agni. (X.112.1 pratahsavah tava hi
purvapltih |)

When Asvins were offered a soma-pressing, it appears to be
the one in the morning as indicated by their epithet ‘prataryavana
(II.39.2, V.77.1) and by that of their chariot, ‘prataryavan (X.40.1,
41.2) or ‘prataryuj’ (1.22.1, X.41.2).

It should however be noted that as hard and fast rules in this
regard were not made to prevail, Asvins are also said to be associated
with the other ‘Savanas’ as well. This association with the one
or the other savana seems to be dependent on the popularity of the
god in the cadre of the gods.

MADHYANDINA SAVANA:

The mid-day soma-pressing is said to be exclusively reserved
for Indra. Thus it is said at IV.35.7 (pratah sutamapibah haryasva,
madhyandinam savanarh kevalam tei), that though Indra may have
been offered soma in the morning rite, the mid-day pressing was
entirely his own. Indra is said to enjoy it (V.40.4 madhyandine
savane matsadindrah and VI.47.6). This fact of the mid-day savana
belonging to Indra is more emphatically stated at VIII.37.1-6, where
the statement (madhyandinasya savanasya vrtrahannanedya piba
somasya vajrin ,) forms the refrain of the hymn. At this savana,
along with a ‘purodasa ‘to Indra (III.28.4), the fried grains (dhana)
are said to be offered to the horses of Indra (III.52.5). Some people
appear to be mixing curds with soma at this offering as indicated
at X.179.3 (madhyandinasya savanasya dadhnah piba |) . At III.32.3,
he is said to be drinking along with his troop of the Maruts. At
times, a special pressing appears to be held in honour of Indra as
indicated at X.96.13 (apah purvesaih harivah sutanam atho idam

1(>S SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

savanarh kevalarh te j ). In a general way, Indra appears to be
associated with the first two pressings as indicated at VIII.13.13
(have tva sure udite have madhyandine divah |).

TRTIYA SAVANA :

Though it appears to be offered in the evening, it is merely
referred to as ‘the third savana’ as against the time—specifying
designations of the two other savanas. It is very intimately asso¬
ciated with the Rbhus 19 , though in a solitary passage, Asvins are
also said to be drinking at it. (VIII.57.1 nasatya trtiyam savanam
pibathahj). It would appear that the third savana was introduced
to accommodate the Rbhus, as they are said to have made it by
their skill (X.35.9, yattrtiyam savanam ratnadheyam akrnudhvam
svapasya suhastahj). They are referred to as invited for it on ac¬
count of their skilful work in fashioning a chariot for the Asvins
(IV. 36.2 tan u nvasya savanasya pitaye.... rbhavo Vedayamasi |).
They are said to have been offered the third savana (IV.34.4 pibata
vaja rbhavo dade vo mahi trtiyam savanarh madaya|), and they
are requested to give glory after receiving soma in the third Savana
at IV.35.6.

Thus it can be observed that though ‘soma’ was offered to all
the divinities, ‘savana’ was a sort of specialised rite which was asso¬
ciated with a limited number of divinities, for whose specific worship,
the rite appears to have been devised.

We can now proceed to a consideration of some minor offerings
as well as offerings in general, either comprising of some major
offerings referred to above or an aggregate of some of the major
and the minor offerings.

APfJPA : 20

It appears to be a special preparation meant mainly for the
Maruts but offered to Indra as well on account of the latter’s asso¬
ciation with them. (III.52.7 apupamaddhi sagano marudbhih j).
When it was offered to Indra, it appears to be mixed with the soma-
juice (III.52.1, VIII.91.2 ‘dhanavantarh kararhbhinam. . . .apupa-
vantarh ju?asva’|). When offered to Agni, it is said to be mixed
with ghee (X.45.9 apuparh deva ghrtavantarh agne |).

AJYA :

The word is used only in the tenth Mandala. 21 It is mentioned
as distinct from the ‘ghrta’ at X.79.5 (....ajyaih ghrtaih. . . .

19. Cf. my paper on Rbhus in the B.U.J. Vol. XXI 1952.

20. V.I. I. p. 26.

21. X.53.2, 79.5, 88 . 4 , 90.6, 122.7, 130.3.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

10!)

pu$yati). Unlike ‘ghrta’ it is used exclusively in the sense of a
sacrificial offering. Thus the word refers to an offering in the meta¬
phorical sacrifice at X.90.6 (vasanto asyasldajyarh) and at X.130.3
(ajyarh kimasit). It is said to be purified for sacrificial purposes
(X. 122.7 ajyamagne nimrjanto adhvare). It is therefore possible
that the word was coined at a late stage of the sacrifice to signify the
material with which the fire was anointed in the sacrificial perfor¬
mances. This seems to be indicated at X.88.4 (yo hotasit prathamo
devaju$to yam samanjannajyenavrnanah) where the gods are said
to have anointed fire, while choosing him as their hotr priest.

AHUTI :

The word is used in the sense of an offering in general to all
the gods (1.105.5, X.52.2) or to some gods mentioned specifically,
Agni being more prominent among them (1.31.5; VI.1.9, 2.5, etc.),
as he was to carry the oblations in general to the gods.

IS, ID, IDA, IRA :

All these words are used in the sense of sacrificial offering in
general at some places. The word ‘ira’ when associated with
‘Parjanya’ (V.83.4 and 63.6) apparently refers to food in general;
but when associated with Asvins (VII.40.5, 67.10, 69.8, at all of
which they are said to be going to a house possessed of ‘ira’ — iravad
vartih) and when Agni (IV.2.5 ilavan) and the pressing stones
(X.94.10, ilavantah gravanah) are said to be possessed of ila, the
word can only refer to the sacrificial food.

The word appears to be used not only in the sense of sacrificial
food offered to the gods, (III.54.20, 59.3; IV.50.8; VII.3.7; X.27.9),
but also in the sense of food given by gods to the human beings,
cf. (1.40.4; III.1.23, ilamagne havamanaya sadha; III.22.5; VI.10.7;
VII.102.3).

As the offerings are offered in the fire on the vedi, both the fire
and the altar come to be described in terms of Ida. Thus Agni is
called ‘ilah hota’ at III.4.3 and the vedi is called ‘the place of ida’
(III.23.4, ilayaspade; 29.4, ‘ilaspade’ at 1.128.1; VI.1.2; X.70.1, 191.1).

When the materials of sacrifice came to have their importance
stressed, as can be seen in the case of the pressing stones, the sacri¬
ficial offering also came to be personified first, which became a
stepping stone to its deification later.

Thus we see in the case of Ila that the sacrificial offering has
been personified (cf. 1.188.8; II.1.11, 31.4; VII.16.8, ye?amila
ghrtahasta durone api prata nisidati). It is partly in a metaphorical
way and partly with the idea of deification that Agni is called the
son of Ila (III.29.3). As Agni is kindled out of the offerings in a way,
he is said to be kindled by Ila (III.24.2, ila samidhyase). With the

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

vessel containing the material of offering placed on the sacred grass
in view, it is said at VII.44.2 (‘ilam devim barhisi sadayantah’ j) that
the goddess Ila is seated on the grass. With the importance of Ila
in the sacrificial performance in view, Ila is said to have been created
by the gods for the guidance of the human beings. (1.31.11, deva
akpyvan nahu$asya vispatirii ! ilamakrnvan manusasya sasanlm ||)

The word ‘Is’ similarly refers to the food offered to the gods
at 1.111.2, 53.4, 47.8; VII.64.3.

It refers to the food given by the gods as a result of the sacri¬
ficial performances: 1.12.11, 30.17, 88.1 (a yata varsisthaya is?.).

ORJ :

At some places the word is used in the sense of strengthening
drink or food offered to the gods. Thus Agni is said to be not getting
exhausted because of the food offered. (1.128.2, ‘sa na urjamupa-
bhrtyaya krpa na juryati’; II.11.1, ‘ima hi tva urjo vardhayanti’).
As such he is referred to as “urjo napat” (1.58.8; II.6.2; V.17.5, etc.).
Just as strength is to be given to the gods through the offerings,
so is strength to be obtained from them and hence like ‘is’, the word
is used in both the senses. Soma is said to be the pillar of strength
(X.44.4, urjah skambham). So it is possible that the word originally
referred to the sacrificial food and drink and later came to be used in
the sense of strength by ‘laksapa’ as it was instrumental in giving
strength both to the gods as well as men. It can also be seen that
the mutually beneficiary nature of the sacrifice is indicated hereby.

KARAMBHA : 22 ;I ^ ^

The offering of ‘karambha’ seems to be given to the god Pusan
(VI.57.2, karambhamanya icchati), who is specifically referred to
as ‘karambhat’ (the eater of karambha) at VI.56.1. Along with
other offerings, it is referred to at 1.187.10. It was also offered to
Indra in association with Pusan being the characteristic offering
of the latter (cf. III.52.7, Pusanyate te cakrma karambharh); but
when offered to Indra, it appears to be mixed with the soma-juice
(III.52.1; VIII.91.2, karambhinaih.somam),

GHARMA : 22

The offering of hot milk is referred to at a few places and as
suggested above, 24 it appears to be given particularly to Asvins
along with the soma-juice (cf. VIII.9.7; 25 VIII.9.4, ayarh vam gharmo

22. V.I. Vol. I p. 138. :

23. Cf. ‘gharma’ chapter IV. p. 82.

24. Ibid.

25. Cf. ‘a somarh.gharmarfi sincat..cf. also VIII.87.2 pibatam gharmam

madhu-mantamasvina | .

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

III

asvina stomena pari sicyatc). There is mentioned an offering called
‘ajasra gharma’ at III.26.7 (ajasro gharmo havirasmi nama). As
indicated in Chapter IV, extreme heating for the purposes of the
offering is referred to at V.19.4.

It is not clear why this custom of offering hot milk in the sacri¬
fice came into existence, nor why it should be so closely associated
with the Asvins. There appears to be some ceremonial connected
with the offering of hot milk as it is referred to at V.30.15 (gharma-
scit taptah pravrje ya asit) as ‘Pravrj’. It appears to be similar to
the Pravargya 26 of the later days as the offering of hot milk is common
to both. It is therefore possible to surmise that gharma offering
came to be introduced along with the worship of Asvins and as the
worship of the deities had a comparatively limited support, the
offering of ‘gharma’ has not occupied a prominent place in the
Rgvcdie sacrifice.

DHANAH : 27

The word is used in the sense of grains used as a secondary
sacrificial offering along with some main offering. Thus they are
said to be dipped in ghee at 1.16.2 (ima dhana ghrtasnuvah). It
appears that grains of similar size and quality were specifically used
for this purpose (III.35.3, dive dive sadvsiraddhi 2d dhanah; cf. also
III.52.7, 8). They are also expected to be offered to the horses of
Indra, who were also to be fed when Indra was supposed to be
engaged in receiving the sacrificial soma-juice (III.35.7, krta dhana

attave te haribhyam.tadokase). 20 They are said to be mixed

with the soma-juice which is offered to Indra in the mid-day and
evening libations at III.52.5 (madhyandinasya savanasya dhanah)
and III.52.6 (trtiye dhanah savane). The soma is referred to as
‘dhanavat’ (III.52.1; VIII.91.2). When they were thus to be mixed
with the soma-juice .they appear to be roasted earlier (IV.24.7, ya
Indraya sunavat somamadya pacat paktlruta bhrjjati dhanah; VI.29.4,
sa soma amislatamah suto’bhut' yasmin paktih pacyate santi
dhanah ). Indra is said to be eating the grains and drinking the
soma-juice (X.28.1, jakslyat dhana uta sornam paplyatj).

It should be noted that this particular offering appears to be
exclusively employed in the soma-sacrifice to Indra. Thus at III.43.4
the ‘savana’ to Indra is qualified as ‘dhanavat’ (dhanavadindrah
savanam jusanah ). India’s close association with those grains
which are very frequently offered to him is referred to in a simile
at VIII.70.12 (tvarh na indrasaiii haste savi$tha davane j dhananam

26. Cf. Pravrj—chapter VI. p. 131.

27. V.I. Vol. I. p. 398; VMH I. p. 230.

28. Vcl. B.U.J. Vol. III.1935 ‘of the same fhieh) quality’.

29. Indra is referred to as ‘tadokas’ at VII.29.1; Cf. also IV.49.6.

112

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

na samgj-bhaya ij), where Indra is said to have a grasp over the cows
even as over the grains.

PAKTIH : 30

The word is used in the sense of a preparation which accom¬
panies the soma-juice and seems to be exclusively employed in the
Indra-worship. Thus at IV.25.6, susveh paktim krnute kevalendrah)
and at IV.25.7 (vi susvaye paktaye kevalo bhut), Indra is said to be
exclusively favourable to the persons, who offer the soma-juice
accompanied by the cooked preparation. It was possibly a liquid
preparation which used to follow the offering of the Purodasa
(IV.24.5, adit paktih purolasarn riricyat). VI.29.4 (yasmin paktih
pacyate) may indicate that it was cooked in the soma-juice; but the
grains which are already roasted previously and later mixed with
soma-juice are also referred to (yasmin santi dhanah). This appears
clear even from IV.24.7 (pacat paktiruta bhrjjati dhanah), V.29.11
(paean paktih) and VII.32.8 (pacata paktih), where the preparation
is said to be cooked, while the ‘dhanas’ are said to be roasted.

PA YAH : 31

The word which is generally used in the Rgveda in the sense
of ‘milk’ or ‘water’, is specifically used in the sense of milk offered
in the sacrifice at a few places. It should be noted that though milk
was very often used for mixing with soma-juice in the Indra-worship,
it never appears to be offered in its pure form to Indra. At X.100.2
Vayu is said to like the drink of milk (gaurasya yah payasah
pltimanase). At 1.153.4, Mitra and Varuna are said to receive the
drink of milk and at 1.121.5 and VI.52.10, the Visvedevas are said
to be offered milk. At the latter place (visve deva. . . .jusantam
yujyam payah), the offering is said to be suitable, possibly referring
to its being given in a particular form.

From its employment only in the worship of Mitra, Varuna and
Visvedevas, it is possible to surmise that this offering, which was
current at an earlier stage, fell into insignificance with the advance¬
ment of Indra-worship and the soma-cult and was later revived when
the idea of Visvedevas was introduced for ensuring general amity
in the sacrificial worship.

PITU :

In the hymn 1.187, Pitu is glorified as a general name for the
offering in the Rgevdic sacrifice as sacrificial gifts are said to follow
from it (V. 11, tam tva vayam pito vacobhirgavo na havya susudima j)

30. V.I. I. p. 463.

31. V.I. Vol. I. p. 400.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

113

PUROLASA ;32

It appears to be a preparation, cooked and dressed in a particular
manner as indicated at III.28.2 (purola agne pacatastubhyam va gha
pariskrtah). It is said to be acceptable to Agni (III.28.1, 3.6) and
Indra (III.41.3, 52.2, 3, 8; IV.32.16; VI.23.7, etc.). In the specialised
Indra-worship, it is said to be offered in all the three ‘savanas’.
(III.52.4-6). At IV.24.5, it is said to precede the offering of ‘pakti’.
It was apparently offered before the offering of soma-juice as indi¬
cated at VI.23.7 (purojasam raranah. .. .piba somam).

Purolasa seems to be particularly employed with the soma-
ritual as indicated by the large majority of the above passages,
where it is said to be enjoyed by Indra along with the soma-juice
and the ‘dhanas’.

PRK$AH :

The word is used in the sense of food offered to the gods, or
brought by the gods as a result of their propitiation in the sacrifice.
In the latter sense, the word is used at 1.73.5; II.1.6 (food brought
by Agni), at VI.35.4 and VII.36.5 (by Indra). With Asvins and their
chariot, however, the word is used very frequently (cf. 1.34.4, 47.6;
V.77.3; VI.62.4, 63.7; VII.74.5; X.106.1). With the offerings in the
morning in view, the dawns arc said to be “prksa-prayajah” at III.

7.10. The word is used as offering to Agni (at 1.71.7, 127.5, 141.2,
178.4, II.1.15; VIII.23.3) and to Maruts (at II.34.3). When referring
to the offerings to Asvins, the word is qualified as ‘pakvah’ (cf. V. 73.8,

74.10, 75.4). With Mitravaruna at VII.60.4 and Asvins at IV.45.2,

the food is referred to as mixed with honey, (madhumantah). Three¬
fold food is said to be carried in the chariot of the Asvins at IV.45.1
(prksaso.trayah).

PRABHRTI : 33

The offering as nourishment to gods (from the root bhp) is indi¬
cated by the word. 34 At II. 24.1, the word refers to the offering
to Brahmanaspati and at III.36.1 to Indra. It is specifically referred
to as an offering in the sacrifice at VII.38.2 (prabhrtau rtasya).

PRAY AH : 35

The word is used in the sense of sacrificial food in general in
addition to the soma-juice. It appears to be arranged in a particular
way round the fire before the gods are invoked to receive the offer-

32. VMH. I. p. 228.

33. VMH. I. p. 155.

34. The word does not refer to offering at V.32.7.

35. VMH. I. p. 212.

S.it.—8

114

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

ings. Thus a hymn is said to be sevenfold on account of ‘prayas’ at
IV.5.6 (manma. .. .prayasa sapta-dhatu), indicating a particular
arrangement. In a general way, the ‘prayas’ is said to be placed side
by side with the soma-juice (cf. III.30.1, sunvanti somam dadhati
prayamsi; also X.91.9). The sacrificer or sacrificers, who keep ready
the food are referred to. (cf. ‘prayasvan, III.59.2, VII.73.2, etc.;
‘prayasvantah’ 1.60.3, III.52.6, etc.). At VIII.64.6, they are referred
to as ‘sutavantah’ and ‘prayasvantah’ indicating that soma is not
included in ‘prayas’. At a number of places, ‘prayas’ is said to be
well-arranged (‘sudihta’, 1.135.4, VI.15.15, VIII.60.4). X.53.2 (aradhi
hota ni?ada yajiyan abhi prayamsi sudhitani hi khyat) indicates that
the food was arranged round about the place of fire, as in that case
alone, the fire could see it. The same fact is stated in a very interest¬
ing simile at 1.169.3 (agnisciddhi smatase susukvan apo na dvlparh
dadhati prayamsi) where ‘prayas’ is said to be surrounding Agni as
the waters surround an island.

SARPIH :

It is said to have been yielded by Sarasvati along with ‘milk’
and ‘honey’ at IX.67.32‘ d , indicating that the ceremonies with the
offerings used to be held on the banks of the river. It is associated
mostly with Agni. It is said to be offered to Agni in a ladle (V.6.9).
Agni is given epithets with it; ‘sarpirasutih’ (II.7.6, V.7.9, X.69.2)
or ‘sarpirannah’ (X.27.18). Besides Agni, the epithet is applied only
to Mitra at VIII.74.2. This indicates that the word was used in the
sense of ‘ghee’ in a prominently Agni ritual. 30

MADHU : 37

The word is mostly used in the sense of ‘soma’ when it is meant
to be an offering in the sacrifice (1.19.9, II.19.2, IV.3.3, X.64.15, 100.8,
etc.). It is not quite certain however whether it may not refer to
honey, when it is used with the Asvins. It is true that the Asvins
are said to be drinking soma but they cannot be imagined as sur¬
passing Indra, who is the soma-drinker par excellence. Madhu is
once associated with Indra (VI.20.3) where the word refers to ‘soma’.
With Asvins, however, the word is associated significantly. The
epithets like ‘madhvl’, ‘madhu-yuva’ and ‘madhu-patama’ used
exclusively of Asvins, the epithets ‘madhuvarna’ and ‘madhuva'nana’
used of the chariot of Asvins (vide Chapter III) and the characteristic
mention of ‘madhu’ with them at IV.43.5a, IV.45.3, X.24.6, indicate
that honey was particularly offered to them. It is significant that
they are even compared with bees in respect of their intimate asso¬
ciation with honey (cf. X.106.10, arangareva madhverayethe

36. For its association with Mitra and Varuna cf. chapter III, p. 58 and p. 98 above.

37. VMH. I. p. 241. V.I. II pp. 123-24.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

115

saragheva.), where ‘arangara’ is apparently a species of bees.

For association of saragha bees with honey, cf. VIII.4.8.

It appears that the region, where the Asvina worship originated,
abounded in honey and as such it had come to be offered to them
and it was comparatively later that they came to be admitted to the
regular Rgvedic pantheon and offered soma. But honey continued to
be offered as a remnant of its previous association with the Asvina
worship.

HAVIH AND HAVYA : 38

The words are used in the sense of offerings in general in the
hymns of the Rgveda. ‘Havirvat’ (1.72.7), ‘havyavat’ (1.12.6, V.6.5)
and ‘havyavahana’ (1.44.2, etc.) are exclusively used as epithets of
Agni with his peculiar role in the sacrifice in view. Even his tongue
(X.8.6) and his lustres (X.188.3, rucah havyavahinih) are said to be
carriers of oblations. Only once are the priests referred to as such
(III.43.1, tvamime havyavaho havante). With the emphasis on the
ownership of the oblations in view, the sacrificer is once referred
to as the lord of oblations (1.12.8, havispati). The words ‘havislqrtah’
and ‘havirda’ are exclusively associated with the sacrificers (cf.
1.153.3, IV.3.7, VII.68.6, VIII.60.15, X.66.6; cf. also 1.13.3, 166.2,
VIII.102.13).

The words ‘haviradah’ and ‘havispah’ (X.15.10) are exclusively
used of the Pitrs.

Among those who would put obstacles in the way of the sacri¬
ficial performances, appear to be the sorcerers as well as some, who
would attempt to spoil the oblations prepared for the sacrifice
(cf. VII.104.21, indro yatunamabhavat parasaro | havirmathinam).
In a solitary place, the horse is referred to as an oblation going to
the gods (1.162.4, havi^yamrtuso devayanam). An oblation instru¬
mental in bringing long life is referred to at X.161.3 (satayu?a havi?a).

At two places, certain names of the offerings have been men¬
tioned, (cf. ‘pratha’ and ‘sapratha’ at X.181.1 and ‘gharma’ or ‘ajasra
gharma’ at III.26.7, ajasro gharmo havirasmi nama).

At X.91.15, ‘havis’ appears to refer to solid offering as contrasted
with soma and ghrta (vide Chapter IV). In this way, though the
oblations in general were so referred to, a distinction appears to be
drawn in favour of soma, which apparently came to be considered
as the oblation par excellence and as such is referred to in glorifying
terms at IX.7.2 (havirhavihsu vandyah).

38. V.I. II. p. 501.

116

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

HOTRA:

At a few places (1.18.8, 36.7, VIII.93.23, etc.), the word appears
to be used in the sense of offerings possibly made by the hotr priest.
It may be noted that there is no other case of the offering being
known by the name of the priest, though the hymns 39 and vessels 40
are so referred to.

It may be noted that a preparation of ‘yava’ cooked in cow’s
milk is referred to at 1.135.8, indicating the wide choice exercised
in the employment of offerings, and consequently the elasticity of
the ritual in general.

After the discussion of the offerings in all their variety, it will
be desirable to take into account the exclamations like ‘svaha’ and
‘vasat’ as they were employed in the sacrifice along with the offer¬
ings and the idea of ‘dak?ina’, as it appears to have originated out
of the conception of offerings in the sacrifice and also because it
was offered in the course of the sacrificial performance.

SVAHA AND VASAT : 41

These exclamatory remarks are found to have been employed
in connection with the offerings in the sacrifice, possibly with the
idea of recommending them to or facilitating their acceptance by
the divinities.

Out of these, ‘svaha’ appears to be earlier in origin than ‘vasat’
as indicated by its more frequent mention in the hymns and parti¬
cularly its mention in the Apr! hymns, which indicate a form of
generalised sacrificial performance. 42 It is also significant that the
‘va§atkrti’ is mentioned in the fairly late hymns in the Rgvedic
collection. At 1.31.5, it is mentioned side by side with the offering
(ya ahutim pariveda vasatkrtim |). This utterance va?at is said to
give some striking touch to the hymns, 43 indicating the mystical
significance sought to be associated with the utterance along with the
utterance Svaha.

Svaha appears to be uttered when the offering was ready to be
offered as indicated at III.32.15 (apurno asya kalasah svaha) and X.2.2
(svaha vayam krnavama havlmsi) 44 cf. also 1.110.1, 11.35.1, 50.1,
VII.3.7, 59.6, VIII.8.5, 34.10, 35.24. Between the two, vasat appears
to be uttered earlier as indicated at 11.36.1 (pibendra svaha prahutam
va?atkrtam) and thus it would be that the final touch was supposed
to be given by the utterance of ‘Svaha’.

39. Vide chapter II and chapter VII under ‘Hotr’.

40. Vide chapter IV.

41. VMH II. 182, 187.

42. AHR.B.U.J. 1945-46.

43. Vide Va?at in chapter X; ABI p. 17.

44. Cf. also last verses of the Apr! hymns I. 13, 142, 188 etc.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

Three more such utterances are referred to in a solitary hymn
of the Rgveda (1.162) viz. ‘i$ta’, ‘vita’ and ‘abhigurta’. This would
indicate that new appendages to the offerings were being invented
with the evolution of the mode of sacrificial performance.

It is not quite clear how the words ‘svaha’ and ‘va$at’ came to
be invented for the association with the sacrificial offering. But we
can see how the word ‘abhigurta’ came to be employed at a later
stage. The root ‘gr’ with ‘abhi’ is used in a general sense ‘to receive
joyously’ both with the patrons as well as the divinities. Thus the
patrons, welcoming the hymns of the poets, are said to be receiving
them well with gifts to the poets (1.54.7, uktha yo va abhigmati
radhasa). Sacrifice is said to be well received by Tva§tr at 1.15.3.
The offering is said to be similarly received at II.37.3. It is after¬
wards that in its technical sense it came to be employed at 1.162.6,
12, 15.

“Astu srausat” is a peculiar formula used once in the Rgveda
(1.139.1). The hymn concerned belongs to the ‘Parucchepa group’,
known for the artificiality of its composition. 4 ^

ANIMAL OFFERINGS :

The existence of a common animal sacrifice cannot be said to
have been conclusively established.'^ It may be noted that the
sacrificial beast is very rarely referred to and the details of animal
offering are not available to the same extent as those of the offerings
of ghrta and soma.

It can be understood that when the sacrificial performances
came to be introduced, eating of animal flesh must have been
prevalent and consequently the idea of offering the same as well
to the divinity must have occurred to some persons. But this can
neither be imagined to have been done right from the very early
stages of the sacrifice nor have been prevalent on a large scale.
Merely on the basis of the Asvamedha hymn (1.162), inference
cannot be drawn about the common prevalence of the animal sacri¬
fice in the days of the Rgveda.

The variety of epithets that Agni receives on account of his
association with ‘soma’ and ‘ghrta’ 47 like ‘soma-gopah’ (X.45.5),
‘soma-pr§tha’ (VIII.43.11, X.91.4), ‘ghrta-snu’ (V.26.2) ‘ghrtapratika’
(III.1.18) etc., can be considered to be indicative of the oblations
commonly offered.

Very few indications of the animal-offerings are to be come
across in the hymns of the Rgveda. Thus at VI.1.3 Agni is referred

45. Cf. chapter XI.

46. Cf. Animal sacrifice in chapter VI.

47. Cf. chapter III.

118

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

to as ‘vapavan’ and V.43.7 refers to a vessel which is heated in Agni
with marrow in it (vapavantam na agnina tapantah). At VIII.43.11
(uk$annaya vasannaya somappsthaya vedhase), Agni is referred to
as having the bulls and cows as his food. At III.22.4 (jusantam. . . .
anamlva iso mahih), 48 the acceptance of the undiseased (anamivah)
food by fires very possibly indicates the animal offering. Pressing-
stones are said to be associated with the cooked flesh at X.94.3
(nyunkhayanta adhi pakva amisi). III.21 also refers to the drops
of animal fat as offering (cf. IV.2.5).

Goat 49 is mentioned specifically at 1.162.3 and X.164.5. At
1.162.3 (e?a chagah puro asvena vajina pu$no bhago nlyate visva-
devyah), a goat is mentioned as meant for Pu?an. At X. 16.4, 5, a
goat is said to be offered in Agni and Agni is requested to carry it
to the Pitrs. (avasrja punaragne pitrbhyah. . . .). The sacrificial post
is referred to at a few places. 50

These few references do not give an impression of the animal
offerings being prevalent commonly. The poets observing the sacri¬
ficial performances going on round about and deriving inspiration
from them for fresh compositions, would certainly have referred
to the animal offerings more frequently if they were in vogue.

It appears that the idea of animal offering must have come into
existence at a later date, the offerings being more complicated in
the process of their preparation. 51 The idea of offering a horse for
political sovereignty apparently presupposes the existence of the
growth of political units, which can be imagined to have come into
existence at a fairly late stage in the composition of the Rgvedic
hymns.

As in the case of the other offerings, we do not come across any
clear reference about the animal offering being dear to any parti¬
cular god, as the offering is mentioned only indirectly with Agni
as the intermediary. The reference to the Pitrs at X.164.5, may
suggest that the custom of offering flesh to the Pitrs was in existence
earlier and then it came to be introduced in the ordinary sacrifice.
Thus the idea of animal offerings in the Rgvedic sacrifice very
possibly came to be introduced after the introduction of the idea
of the ‘pitryajna’. 52

48. The fires referred to here are said to be kindled with cow-dung (purI$yaso
agnayah), indicating perhaps the custom of such kindling for the purposes of
the animal offering.

49. It should be noted that the word ‘chaga’ is used only once in the hymn 1.162.
The word ‘aja’ is used not exclusively in the sense of ‘goat’. Thus, cf. (1.67.3,
II. 31.6), where it is used in the sense of ‘unborn’; (III.45.2) whore it is used
in the sense of ‘a driver’. It is used in the sense of a goat not meant for
sacrificial purposes at X.134.6. Soma is referred to as a ‘pasu’ at IX.86.43
and as ‘Dronyah pasuh’ at V.50.4. Nowhere do we come across a proud mention
of the animal as an offering as in the case of the soma-juice.

50. Vide chapter TV under ‘yupa’.

51. Cf. 111,28 in chapter XI.

52. For ‘pitryajna’ cf. chapter. VI.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

119

DAKSINA : 53

The word ‘dak§ina’ is used a number of times in the Rgveda and
at a number of places, it carries the sense of ‘the gift given to the
priest in the sacrifice’; but it also appears that the sense of the word
is evolved out of certain associations with the sacrifice.

The word is used occasionally in a metaphorical sense of the
‘oblations given to the gods’ or ‘gifts given by the gods’.

We can understand the process by which the ideas associated with
the divinity come to be associated with the human beings with a
view to elevate them in importance; thus the meaning of the word
‘dak§ina’, if associated with the divinity at an earlier stage can be
understood as associated with the human beings later on. But if it
is to be understood the other way, the process of deterioration with
its possible causes will have to be explained and accounted for.

Bloomfield, who has discussed the point at some length 54 in con¬
nection with the meaning of the word ‘daksina’ as an epithet of U$as,
tries to fit in the meaning (as he prefers to call it) ‘baksheesh’ because
he is attempting to point out that all the U$as hymns, which are
believed to be particularly poetical by a number of scholars, 5 5 are
really sacrificial in character. He ultimately wants to prove (p. 77) :
“In fact, the body of the Rgveda hymns presupposes the ordinary
form of the soma-sacrifice.” He has started with the idea (p. 65) “It
requires at times pretty sharp sight to see and a clear head to remem¬
ber that this poetry hugs the sacrifice closely.” In between, he tries
to fix up the meaning of the word ‘daksina’ as applied to U§as, saying
about her (p. 69) “Ushas is the patroness of sacrifice; she is herself
the sacrificial fee, because she ushers in or heralds the sacrificial
day.” He does not approve of the approximate meaning as an hono¬
rific adjective of U§as as imagined by Max Muller (p. 71) nor that
of A. Bergaigne, who says, “the Dawn is the gift of heaven bestowed
upon pious men as recompense for their piety”, because he believes
it to be, “round-about, unnecessary and un-vedic” and because he
feels that A. Bergaigne “transports too many of the events in the
earthly life of the Vedic Aryans to heaven.” (p. 72).

It will thus be clear that his interpretation is prompted by the
overall view of the Rgvedic hymns regarding their sacrificial nature
that he has taken. It is therefore that he has been required to strain
the meaning of the word to such an extent.

If ‘daksina’ meant earlier “the baksheesh”, where would be the
point in referring to the oblations as ‘daksina’ as is done at V.1.3 50

53. VMH II. 31, 99, 196.

54. RVB. pp. 69-74.

55. Among them Oldenberg (RVO p. 237) quoted on p, 72.

56. Cf. also VIII.39.5 where Agni is described as surrounded by “daksirias” (i.e.
oblations—‘daksinabhirabhlvrtah’.

120

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(ad daksina yujyate vajayanti uttanamurdhvo adhayajjuhubhih),
where Agni is said to be licking the ‘daksina’ with his flames? Cer¬
tainly no one would believe that the Rgvedic poets conceived ob¬
lations also as ‘baksheesh’ to the gods. The use of the word ‘vajayanti’
(strength-giving) as adjective of ‘daksina’ is also significant.

It must therefore be admitted that the original meaning of the
word was not what Bloomfield imagines it to be.

As the word ‘daksina’ means ‘right’, ‘daksina’ would, in the first
instance, refer to ‘the right hand side’ as at 11.27.11 and X.17.9. The
ladles are referred to as circling towards the right-hand side (dak-
§inavrtah) at 1.144.1. A ladle is referred to as ‘daksinavat’ for the
same reason at III.6.1.

Whatever was thus given by the right hand, was considered as a
liberal gift and so ‘daksina’ appears to have come to mean either ‘the
liberal gift’ of the gods or their liberality in general. It is the rich
liberality of Indra that has come to be referred to as ‘daksina maghonl’
at a number of places (11.11.21, 15.10, 16.9, 17.9, 18.9, 19.9, 20.9). The
liberality of Indra is said to give many covetable gifts to the worship¬
pers at VII.27.4 (anuna asya daksina pipaya vamarh nrbhyah) or is
said to yield glory at II. 18.8 (asya dak$ina duhlta). It is thus that
Indra is said to be ‘daksinavan’ at III.39.6 and VI.29.3.

Thus when the word came to mean liberality in general, it
appears to have come to be applied to the sacrificial gift because it
was also given liberally. This liberality in sacrificial gifts, apart from
being referred to in a number of ‘danastutis’, is referred to in a general
way at I. 168.7 (bhadra vo ratih prnato na daksina) and 1.169.4 (tvarh
tu na indra tam rayirh da ojisthaya daksinayeva ratim), by a poet,
where the gift of the gods is compared with the gift of the patron in
respect of liberality. Indra is said to be inspiring the patrons to give
rich gifts at VI.37.4 (varisfho asya dak$inamiyarti). At VI.27.8, the
gift of a patron is said to be unique (dunasa). The sacrificer in general
is referred to as ‘dak§inavan’ at 1.125.6, VIII.97.2, IX.98.10, X.69.8,
etc. For the typical gifts of Savarnya 57 cf. X.62.9 and that of Narya,
cf. VIII.24.29. On account of this idea of liberality, the resting place
of the horses of Indra is also described as ‘daksinavat’ at III.53.6
(vimocanam vajino daksinavat).

It is this liberality which is associated with Usas, when she is
referred to ‘dak§ina’ at 1.123.1, III.58.1, VI.64.1. The rich gifts would
naturally be shining gifts as indicated at VIII.24.21 and X.62.11
suryenasya yatamanaitu daksina).

It is thereafter that ‘daksina’ appears to be personified and its
position in the sacrifice glorified as in the case of the pressing-stones.
Thus at 1.18.5, ‘daksina’ is expected to grant protection along with

57. Vide chapter VIII and chapter XII.

OFFERINGS IN THE SACRIFICE

121

Soma, Indra, etc. At X.103.8, it is classed along with Indra and Soma.
It is personified at III.62.3 and an entire hymn (X.107) 50 is written
in glorification of ‘daksina’.

At IX.71.1 (a daksina srjyate susmi asadarii veti), the daksina is
said to be given first and then the soma-juice is said to be going to
its place. This may indicate that sometimes the daksina was given
even before the pressing of the soma-juice. It is however also possible
that this just refers to some sacrificial offerings (which also are refer¬
red to as daksina as we have seen above) that are given before the
pressing of the soma-juice.

In this evolution of the meaning of the word daksina, we can
see the evolution of the idea of sacrifice in a broad way.

Regarding the way in which the offerings were received by the
gods, we come across references where the gods are said to be receiv¬
ing them through Agni as well as independently. Thus Indra is said to
be drinking the soma through Agni 59 , cf. III.22.1, 35.9 (agneh piba
jivhaya somamindra). At V.51.2 (agneh pibata jivhaya), all the gods
are said to be doing so.

An intermediate stage is referred to at III.35.10 (indra piba
svadhaya cit sutasyagnerva pahi jivhaya) where Indra is said to be
drinking it either way.

At a number of places, however, Indra is said to be drinking it
independently, cf. III.40.5, III.43.5; VI.41.2 (ya te kakut sukrta ya
vari$tha yaya sasvat pibasi madhva urmiih), where Indra is said to be
drinking by his palate. At IX.72.2 (indrasya somam jathare yada-
duhuh) and VIII.92.24, soma is said to be poured into the belly of
Indra. It is said to be poured so as to spread in the body of Indra at
VIII.17.5 (a te sincami kuksyoranu gatra vidhavatu).

This appears to indicate only the emphasis on the anthropomor¬
phic aspect of the gods as can also be seen at 1.34.10, where Asvins
are said to be drinking by their mouths and at II.1.14 (asa deva
haviradanti ahutam), where all the gods are said to be drinking by
their mouths. It serves the purpose of glorifying the gods concerned
as being capable of independently enjoying the oblations and need
not be taken to indicate any other way of offering the sacrifice except
through the medium of Agni.

It may be noted that if any other way of giving the offerings to
the gods were held possible, the importance of Agni in the sacrifice
would have dwindled down; but as that has not happened (vide

58. Vide chapter XI.

59. It may be noted that the Soma-juice must have been offered only nominally

in the fire. Very possibly it is this fact which gave rise to the idea that Indra

was drinking soma independently, as the huge quantities required by Indra

could not be poured into the fire.

122 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Chapter III), these references about the gods independently receiving
the offerings have to be understood as metaphorical in character.

It is clear that the hymns used to be recited while the sacrifice
would go on. G0 As it will also be seen in a later chapter, 61 offerings ap¬
pear to be given with the recital of refrains in certain hymns (e.g. VIII.
37). The idea of reciting different portions of the hymns for different
stages of the offerings, does not appear to be indicated anywhere. As
indicated, however, at IX.86.32 (nayannrtasya prasljo naviyasih, etc.),
soma is given the credit of giving rise to new customs; this would
show that the mode of offering was being evolved.

The offerings are described as inspiring the human society in
different periods (IX.12.7, hinvano manusa yuga) and doing everything
that is noble in character (IX.63.5, kpnvanto visvamaryam). This has
apparently been said with reference to the importance of offerings
in the sacrifice in view.

Thus it will have been observed that the variety in the offerings
indicates changes in the social sphere with varying customs of the
Aryan society in different regions and times and reveals how the
Aryans were gradually evolving their ideas about the sacrifice and
moulding their notions regarding the different aspects of life in its
relationship with the higher reality.

60. Cf. chapter II.

61. Vide chapter XI.

Chapter Six

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

SrftPTT I {RV. IX. 86.32)

SYNOPSIS :—

Understanding of the types rather for convenience—evolution of traditions with
the sacrifice—various scholars regarding the types—Macdonell on DIk$a and
Avabhrtha—types of later ritual not in existence—idea of classification belongs to
an advanced stage—basis for such classification—three pre-requisites of the Rgvedic
sacrifice—indications of the change in the ritual—due to offerings, other materials
and mode of performance—soma, the cause of some significant innovations—other
offerings and the ritual—advancing ritual—

Common types performed twice or thrice a day—some small details referred
to—some individual rites—Atiratra--Grhamedhiya, possibly a small rite in honour
of the Maruts—Divisfi not an ordinary daily sacrifice—possibly a sort of composite
sacrifice of a developed nature characterized by sumptuous gifts therein—Pitryajna—
different forms or aspects thereof—designed on the pattern of the sacrifice to gods—
separate fire employed for the purpose—origination on the bank of Saraswati—idea
of Pitryajna—possibly the cause of the introduction of animal-offerings in the
sacrifice—Purvahuti—Prayaja and Anuyaja—Pravrj— Brahmasava—Satra—Samana-
bharman—Savana—Sahasrasava—Somaparva—some other rites referred to without
specific designations—1.80.9—Apr! type—sacrifice of a longer duration—the animal
sacrifice—arguments to indicate its late origin—conclusion.

It should be noted at the outset that it is more for the convenience
of understanding that we are referring to the types of the Rgvedic
sacrifice in the course of this chapter. We cannot expect to come
across in the hymns of the Rgveda all the elaborate classification and
description of the soma and other sacrifices as in the later days, not
only because the hymns were not meant for such purposes, 1 but, as
indicated elsewhere, they do not appear to be earmarked specifically
for any such classified celebration. But at the same time, when the
system of sacrifice was evolving gradually, some traditions of per¬
formances must have come to be recognised as different from the
rest by some distinctive characteristics, as can be reasonably imagined.

Max Miiller, 2 commenting upon Rv.I.94.4, believes it to be a
reference to the ‘darsapurnamasa’, adding “Passages like this do not
necessitate the admission of a full-grown ceremonial, they only point
to its natural beginnings”. Prof. Macdonell 3 and Dr. Keith, 4 followed

1. VMH. I. p. 202

2. ASL p. 259.

1 ‘J.’i

3. ERE XII. p. 610.

4. RPV. p. 312.

124

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

by Dr. Deshmukh 5 believe the ritual to be of a fairly specialized type
even in the Rgveda itself. It is even believed to have degenerated
to the stage of exercising compulsion on the gods in the days of the
Rgveda itself by Prof. Macdonell, 0 with whom Dr. Deshmukh'
apparently agrees.

It may be noted that these presumptions imply the existence of
a large variety of the sacrifices, which however have not been sub¬
stantiated by references from the hymns, except an attempt in the
direction in a few places. 8 It is true that merely from the non-mention
of the later types with their names, we cannot justifiably infer their
non-existence altogether. But taking into account the general tenden¬
cies, we shall be justified in inferring that they did not exist as such
and such as known to the later ritual. 9

It may be noted that the idea of classifying the ritual perform¬
ances into types belongs to a fairly advanced stage of the ritual. The
classification depends upon the employment of the hymns and the
offerings, the conception of the divinity and also the purpose with
which the offering is made to the divinity. It also depends upon the
essential view about the sacrifice, viz., whether the sacrifice is being
conceived as a means towards an end or practically an end in itself.

At VII.70.6 (yo vam yajno, nasatya havi?man j krtabrahma samar-
yo bhavati j j ), the necessary pre-requisites of a sacrificial performance
are said to be (1) the offering, (2) the hymn, and (3) the sacrificer.
It is interesting to note that the sacrificing priests, though they have
played an obviously significant part in the evolution of the sacrifice,
are not prominently mentioned here, indicating that they had not
shadowed the sacrificers by the emphasis on their own importance. If
the word ‘samarya’ is understood as including the sacrificing priests
along with their patrons, it would indicate the conception of joint
responsibility in the sacrifice, which can be considered as a very
healthy idea for the promotion of sacrifice as an institution of social
importance.

An indication of the change in the ritual that has been taking
place from time to time, has been given in the hymns of the Rgveda
(1.105.4, 7 and III.55.3). 10 In the beginning, this may be characterized
by some alteration in the offerings or other materials of sacrifice or
in the mode of performance. The variety of sacrificial implements,
and the offerings are apparently indicative of changes that have been
taking place in the ritual.

5. RVL, pp. 339-43. 6. Ibid, p. 6I4b.

7. Ibid, p. 340. cf. also DIksa and Avabhrtha in Chapter IV. pp. 86-87.

8. VMH, I. p. 259; II. 61.

9. VMH, II. p. 203, indicates difference between the earlier and later Rudra ritual.

10. cf. Chapter III under ‘V'ivedevas’. pp. 59-62.

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

125

Out of all the offerings, soma appears to have been instrumental
in introducing new vogues in the performance as indicated at IX.86.
32 (. . . . tantum tanvanstrivrtam yatha vide ; nayannrtasya prasi§o
navlyaslh. ... [j), where soma, while being employed in a threefold
sacrifice (indicating the three savanas), is said to be leading to the
new rules or traditions in the sacrifice.

This can be realised by the growth of the idea of ‘savanas’. When
soma came to be employed in a sacrificial performance, it must have
been offered whenever the performance would take place, without
any specification of time. It is thereafter that the idea of specific
soma-pressings in honour of certain divinities came to be introduced.
While the first two savanas came to be known by the time of the day
they were offered, 11 the third came to be known merely as the ‘trtiya
savana’, indicating the previous existence of the two savanas for
a pretty long time.

It will thus be observed that the ceremonial or the ritual was
advancing mainly with the relationship of the offerings with the
divinities in view.

From the contribution of the Ftbhus to the cause of sacrifice, 12
it would be clear that the technique of performance used to change
even with the change in the vessels in which the soma-juice was kept
or through which it was offered. It is in this light that the epithet
‘rtasya didhitim” 3 (IX.102.1, 8) of soma appears to be quite signi¬
ficant.

Sometimes, some peculiar ritual appears to have been centred
round some divinity with some offering, offered consistently as indi¬
cated at 1.72.3 (tisro yadagne saradastvamit sucim ghrtena sucayah
saparyan namani cid dadhire yajniyuni asudayanta tanvah sujatah|j),
where Maruts, according to Sayana are said to have attained divinity
by the performance of a particular type of fire-ritual for three
seasons with the offering of ghrta. Thus, the prevailing idea appears
to be that divinity could be attained by the continuous performance
of a ritual or rendering some significant service to the cause of the
sacrifice as in the case of the Rbhus.

As fire helped the advancement of the system of sacrifice, it
appears that a certain mode of kindling fire, resorted to in earlier
days, came to be hallowed with certain significance, though in later
days, apparently other modes of kindling fire had come to be em¬
ployed. It is thus that Agni is said to be kindled according to the
earlier rites at III.17.1 (prathama dharma anu samidhyamanah) and
the rest of the ritual is also said to be proceeded with similarly along
the line of the ancient rules, so that it may become acceptable to the

11. Pratahsava and Madhyandina savana (cf. Chapter V).

12. Vide Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. XII, 1951 (pp. 163-171); also Chapter III, p. 57.

13. meaning ‘one who urges on the thought of sacrifice’.

12fi SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

gods (cf. III.17.5, tasyanu dharma prayaja cikitvo’tha no dha
adhvaram devavitau).

The advancement of the sacrifice, the prosperity it brought, the
popularity it enjoyed and its progressive nature that could not be
followed by some, who had to lag behind are referred to at X.44.6
(prthak prayan prathama devahutayo’krnvata sravasyani dustara|
na ye sekuryajniyarh navamaruhamirmaiva te nyavisanta kepayah ji),
where metaphorically such people are said to be incapable of mount¬
ing the boat of sacrifice and consequently sitting or sinking down.

Common types of sacrificial performances appear to be those,
that are referred to as performed twice or thrice a day. They are
not always connected with the soma offerings and so their origin
seems to be the same as that of the savanas, viz., the typical positions
of the sun during the day-time. This is made clear at VII.41.4 (uta
prapitve uta madhye anhamutodita maghavan suryasya). Thus Agni
is said to be kindled in the morning and the evening for the purposes
of the sacrifice, as he is referred to as ‘svadhvara’ at II.2.8 (sa idhana
usaso ramya anu. . . .svadhvarah; cf. also IV.2.8, 12.2; VII.3.5, 15.8;
VIII.25.21; X. 39.1, 40.4, 5). The morning rite alone is referred to
at V.64.7. Morning libation to Asvins is indicated at V.75.9, where
the fire is said to be kindled at the break of the dawn for their
worship.

At times, three daily sacrificial rites are referred to. They
appear to be different from the savanas and mainly associated with
Agni. Thus at II. 18.2 (sasma aram prathamam sa dvitiyamuto
tftlyam manusah sa hota), where the offerings put in fire are referred
to. In the Apri ritual, the threefold rite is referred to at III.4.2.
cf. IV. 12.1, 15.2 (yati agni rathlriva), where the predominance of
Agni is indicated by his comparison with a charioteer; and also
VII.11.3, VIII.27.19-21, 72.9; IX.86.18.

It is thus with a particular type of sacrificial rite in view that
the poet of VIII.84.5 asks ‘dasema kasya manasa yajnasya sahaso
yaho | kadu voca idam namah ||\ It appears that certain broad
details of a performance were in the view of the person and he was
free to add others of his own so as to make it more efficacious. Thus
this may indicate a stage where certain rituals had come to be
distinguished without all the details regarding the hymn to be em¬
ployed and hence the poet could use his new hymn as indicated in c.

Certain performances appear to have been associated with
efficacy and hence are sought to be performed repeatedly for the
purpose as indicated at VIII.13.14 (tantum tanusva purvyam yatha
vide) and at 1.110.1 (tatam me apastadu tayate punah).

A few details in the course of the performances have been refer¬
red to occasionally. Thus the priests are said to be invoking the

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

127

divinities with bent knees at (III.59.3; VI.1.6, 32.3; VII.82.4, 95.4,
‘mitajnubhirnamasyaih iyana). Similarly the priests are said to be
drinking the soma juice. This does not appear to be the soma juice
remaining after its being offered in the sacrifice, as at no place, it
is referred to as such. On the contrary, it is said that the hymns
are composed or the gods are invoked under the inspiration of soma.
Thus the Kanvas are said to be so composing their hymns at VIII.
32.1 and 33.4 (made somasya vocata); a poet is said to be so invoking
the divinities (1.119.9, made somasya ausijo huvanyati). The priest
is said to be first drinking in quiet (X.83.7. . . .upamsu prathama
pibava). It was drunk in ample quantities as indicated at X.167.3
(kalasan abhaksayam) and is said to be making the drinker look
brighter (VIII.48.6, agnim na marh mathitarh sandidlpah j). It is this
soma juice that is drunk, that has been referred to as addressed for
welfare. (1.179.5, somam. .. .hrtsu pitam upabruve; VIII.48.4, sarh
no bhava hrda apita indo; 48.5; and 96.21, where Indra is compared
with the soma so drunk — ‘somo na plto havyah’) 14

Besides these general ritual performances once, twice or thrice
a day as referred to above, there appear to be some specifically
designated performances, some of which are associated with certain
divinities though we do not get much information about their ritual
character,

ATIRATRA : 16

It is mentioned only once in the Rgveda and is apparently a type
of soma-sacrifice, though we cannot exactly say how far it was the
same as the later variety of that name discussed in the Brahmanas.
The frogs are compared with the brahmins at the ‘atiratra’ sacrifice
(cf. VII.103.7, 16 brahmanaso atiratre na some saro no purnamabhito
vadantah). The comparison indicates that during the rite the soma
vessel was kept full of the juice and the brahmins used to recite
mantras sitting round it during the night. The soma offered here,
does not appear to have any connection with the tiroanhya variety
(vide Chapter V), though that would explain the name of the rite.
The rite appears to be performed very rarely, possibly once a year,
as the frogs are said to be sitting accordingly on that unique day
of the year (VII.103.7cd, samvatsarasya tadahah paristha yanmandu-
kah pravrslnarh babhuva i). It appears to be customary to compose
a hymn specifically for the occasion as indicated at VII.103.8b
(brahma krnvantah parivatsannam).

14. cf. Vel. B.U.J., Vol. XVI, p. 14, 1947.

15. VMH, Vol. II, 233; Vol. Ill, 216, 298, 395.

16. cf. also the comments on hymn in Chapter XI.

128

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

GRHAMEDHIYA : 17

It is referred to only once in the Rgveda at VII.56.14 (sahasri-
yam damyarii bhagametam grhamedhlyam maruto jusadhvam),
where the Maruts are asked to accept the grhamedhiya. It is said
to be a household (damyam) and thousandth (sahasriyam) part,
indicating perhaps the existence of a bigger rite of that name. As
the word “medha” indicates sacrifice (cf. 1.77.3, 177.4; VIII.50.10,
etc.), ‘grhamedhiya’ appears to refer to a sacrificial rite, associated
with the Maruts as they are referred to as ‘grhamedhasah’ at VII.
59.10. It is possible however that the word may stand for a peculiar
offering of that name given to the Maruts.

DIVISTI:

It has been construed as a general ordinary daily sacrifice by
Max Muller. 18 The word occurs nearly a dozen times in the Rgveda.
It should be noted that the word has been always used in the plural
and particularly the form ‘divistisu’ occurs at all the places except
one (VII.74.1) where the form ‘divi§tayah’ is used. At 1.45.7, 141.6
and IV.9.3 (‘sa sadma pariniyate hota mandro divistisu), Agni is said
to be chosen or acting as the ‘hotr’ priest at the divisti rites. Usas
is said to be shining at the divistis at 1.48.9 (vyucchantl divistisu).
Chariot-steeds of Asvins are said to be yoked at the divistis (1.139.4).
Divi§tis are said to be invoking Asvins at VII.74.1. At a number of
places, soma is said to be offered at the divistis (1.86.4, sutah somo
divistisu; IV.46.1, 47.1; VIII.76.9). If they are ordinary sacrifices,
why should they be said to be invoking Asvins as at VII.74.1?
Besides yajna is distinguished from the divistis at VIII.87.3 (vartir-
yatamupa vrktabarhiso ju§tarh yajnam divistsu), where Asvins are
said to be coming to the sacrifice among the ‘divistis’. Divisti there¬
fore may have been a sort of composite sacrifice of the Visvedeva
type (Chapters III and XI), where offerings were given to different
divinities like Asvins, Indra and Vayu.

The choice of a specific hotr priest for the purpose, the pressing
of the soma juice and sacrifice forming a part of it, all indicate that
the word stands for some longer performance consisting of smaller
rites. This is further supported by the fact that specific attractive
gifts are said to be given at the divistis. cf. VIII.4.19 (. . . . sthurarh
radhah satasvam), where the king Kurunga is said to have given a
sumptuous gift of a hundred horses at the divistis. This can in no
way be construed with the daily ordinary sacrifices.

PITRYAJftA :

Some different rites, distinguished on the basis of the offerings
as also the classes of the Pitrs to whom the offerings are made, have

17. Geldner: Vol. II, p. 231, F.N.

18. SBE XXXII; Grassmann: ‘devotion or prayer’; Geldner, ‘Morgen opfern.

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

129

been referred to at X. 154.1 (soma ekebhyah pavate, gh^tameka
upSsate | yebhyo madhu pradhavati tansciddevapi gacchatat ||).

It appears from this passage that the idea of the Pitr-worship
was prompted by that of the divinity-worship and hence followed
its pattern. Thus the three classes among the Pitrs 19 appear to be
arrived at on the basis of the corresponding classes 20 among the
gods, Indra, Varuna and Asvina, who appear to be characteristically
associated with the offerings of soma, ghrta and madhu respectively.

It is on the basis of such a distinction, that, separate seats are
said to be earmarked for the Pitrs, where they are expected to sit
in the Pitryajna. Thus at X.15.11 (agni$vattah pitara eha gacchata
sadahsadah sadata supranitayah), the Pitrs 21 are invoked to come
and occupy their respective seats.

To distinguish the Pitryajna from an ordinary divinity-worship,
it appears that a certain fire that is to be employed for the special
offerings is referred to at X.16.10, (yo agnih kravyat pravivesa vo
grham, imam pasyannitaram jatavedasaih j tarn harami pitryajnaya jj),
where the usual fire is separately marked (itararh. . . .). This fire
for the Pitryajna is sought to be sublimated by the offerings of the
gods also being placed in it (v.ll, devebhyah pitrbhya a). Agni is
said to be knowing all the Pitrs whether known to the worshipper
or not (X.15.3, aham pitrn suvidatran avitsi), just in the same way
as he knows the gods (yatha devanarii janimani veda).

This Pitj'-worship appears to have originated on the banks of
the river Saraswati, where the divinity-worship too has prospered
as can be noticed from the reference to the river 22 particularly in
the Apri hymns. Just as the ordinary sacrifices invoke Saraswati
(X.17.7, saraswatim devayanto havante), Pitrs are said to be invoking
her (X.17.9, saraswatim yam pitaro havante). On account of the
previous association of the Aryans with the river Saraswati, during
their lifetime they come to be associated with the river even after
their departure, when their worship came to be introduced in that
region. It is thus that Saraswati is said to be delighted in the com¬
pany of the Pitrs (X.17.8, devi pitrbhirmadanti).

It would be interesting to note how the idea of Pitryajna origi¬
nated, though it came to be fashioned after the pattern of the
divinity-worship.

While thinking of the various patterns of the sacrifice, some
persons must have been naturally attracted to think of the pheno-

19. cf. Sayana on the passage: ‘esam gotrajah samani brahma yajnasamaye’dhiyate,
esarh putradayo yajurhsi brahmayajnakale’dhiyate, ya atharvanan mantran
brahmayajnarthamadhiyate

20. vide Chapter III.

21. name of a class very possibly as Sayana suggests.

22. cf. Saraswati in Chap IV and AHR.
s.n.—o

130

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

menon of death just in the same way as they were led to think about
the problem of life, 23 the two being as inseparable from each other
as the night and the day. Both the problems appear to have come
to be looked upon from the point of view of sacrifice. It appears,
however, that some old ideas and impressions did prevail in the
minds of the people as against the new thought in terms of sacrifice.
Thus in the funeral hymns of the tenth Mandala (X.14-18), we find
a mixture of the old impressions of fear and the new outlook of
sacrifice brought to bear upon the problem of death. It is thus that
the idea of Pitryajna referred to in X.16.10, appears to have origi¬
nated. The old idea of death as caused by some dreadful agency,
which was to be guarded against, is sought to be squared with the
new idea of death almost as a sacrifice, performed by the human
beings. Thus talking about the first of the departed beings — Yama
— who has been given a place among the gods and consequently a
worship of the same pattern (cf. X.14.13-16, association with soma
ghrta, yajna and havis), it is said that he was the first to offer his
body to death. It is almost said to be an offering in the sacrifice
that he undertook to perform in the interests of the people at X.13.4
(priyam yamastanvam prarirecit), as he is said to have preferred
death to immortality (X.13.4ab, devebhyah kamavrnita mrtyum
prajayai kamamrtam navrnita) and as if to show the agreement
between the precept and practice, subjected himself to be the first
to undergo that ordeal.

The death is thus being looked upon almost as a sacrifice and
in this idealised and glorified category, the departed souls are being
thought of. 24 It was then natural that the pitrs should come to be
looked upon as almost the divine beings, being nearer to Yama. It
is then, with a desire to offer them worship, that the idea of the
Pitryajna was introduced.

A goat is referred to in connection with the fire kindled for the
pitr-worship (X.16.4, ajo bhagastapasa tam tapasva). As we have
observed above, 25 excepting the Asvamedha hymn, a goat is men¬
tioned as an offering only here. As people must have been flesh-
eaters, offering of the flesh was considered desirable for the worship
of the departed ones, who were accustomed to eat it. It is possibly
thereafter that the animal offerings came to be introduced in the
sacrifices as well. This will reasonably explain the absence of the
mention of the animal-offerings in the worship of the other divinities
in the hymns of the Rgveda generally.

23. vide my article on “the sacrificial setting of the philosophical hymns in the
Rgveda (BV. XII, 1952).

24. cf. X. 135, where corresponding to the hymns and the dak$ma in the sacrifice,
the hymns (v.7, glrbhih pariskrtah) and the gifts (v.6, anudeyi) are referred
to in the Pitr worship.

25. vide Chapter V under ‘animal offerings’.

THE 'TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

131

PURVAHUTI :

It appears to be a rite performed in honour of Usas in the
beginning, as the goddess is characteristically associated with it.
Thus at VI.64.5 (tvam divo duhitaryaha devi purvahutau manhana
darsata bhuh), Usas and because of her, Usasanakta at 1.122.2 and
VII.39.2, are associated with the rite. It is interesting to note that
with other worshippers, their desired divinities came to be associated
with the rite as indicated at X.113.7 (indro manha purvahutavapat-
yata), where Indra is said to have lorded the rite by his strength.
It is for this reason that the worshippers of Usas are referring to her
as the first among the other gods in the Purvahuti (1.123.2, ucca
vyakhyad yuvatih punarbhurosa agan prathama purvahutau). It is
perhaps on account of such a conflict that the rite appears to have
been made common to all the divinities as indicated at VII.35.5,
where all the gods are associated with the rite.

PRAYAJA AND ANUYAJA :

In the two hymns, 26 where the Prayajas and the Anuyajas are
referred to, they appear to be the offerings or the rites characterizing
the offerings. Thus they are said to be the powerful portions of the
oblations (urjasvanto havisah santu bhagah, v.9) or rites at X.132.2,
(narasamso no avatu prayaje sarh no astvanuyajo have$u) where they
are said to be a part of the invocation. They are associated with fire
in both the passages. At X.51.8 (prayajanme anuyajansca kevala-
nurjasvanto havi?o datta bhagam) where Agni is supposed to have
demanded them, the offering referred to as required is said to be
‘ghrta’ (X.51.8c). In fact, X.51.9, continuing to say that after the
Prayaja and Anuyaja are offered to Agni, the whole sacrifice will
belong to Agni (tavagne yajnoyamastu sarvah) seems to indicate
that the Prayaja and Anuyaja were just the former and the latter
portions of the sacrifice, they together helping the completion of the
sacrificial performance. There is no trace of the association of the
rites with the soma sacrifice, much less an animal sacrifice as indi¬
cated by the Brahmanas. 27

PRAVRJ : 23

The word is used only once in the Rgveda in the sense of a
sacrificial rite, performed in the course of another performance indi¬
cated by a Danastuti (V.30.15, gharmascittaptah 29 pravrje ya
asidayasmayastamu adaya viprah). In this rite, the vessel of milk
was heated and it would seem that the vessel was given as a gift to

26. X. 51.8, 9; X. 182.2.

27. AHR. 1946 and comments on “Aprl group” of hymns in Chapter XI.

28. Geldner, Vol. II. p. 28.

29. For gharma as a vessel, cf. Chapter IV; and gharma as offering—cf. Chapter V.

132

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

the priest. As remarked above, this ‘pravrj’ may be similar to the
‘pravargya’ of the later days in respect of the offering of the heated
mill?. The word appears to be used with derivative sense in view
as would be indicated by two other words which are derived from
the root pra+vrj. cf. VIII.4.6 ‘putram pravargarh krnute’; VIII.22.18,
‘supravargam suviryarh susthu varyamanadhr$tam raksasvina j. In
both these words ‘pravarga’ and supravarga’, the idea of scattering
(of rivals) is present. It is therefore possible that in the Pravrj rite,
it was customary to scatter the heated milk during the course of
offering.

It however appears that the name Pravrj was not commonly
known in the days of the Rgveda. Because, whereas the gharma
offering and the gharma vessel are referred to pretty frequently,
the name pravrj is not associated with them. As remarked in
Chapter V, the gharma offering appears to be given predominantly
to Asvins and possibly with the scattering of this offering in view,
even the hymns are said to be scattered like the barhis grass or
more significantly like clouds scattered by the wind (1.116.1,
nasatyabhyarh barhiriva pravrnje stoman iyarmyabhriyeva vatah [).
The same is indicated also at VII. 103.9d (tapta gharma asnuvate
visargarh).

It may be noted that the sequence of the mention of ‘pravrj’ in
v.30 (in the last verse of the hymn), would indicate that in the days
of the Rgveda, it was not performed in the beginning of the bigger
ritual of which it formed a part.

BRAHMA-SAVA :

The word is used at IX.67.24 (yatte pavitramarcivadagne tena
punihi nah | brahmasavaih punlhi nah ||). In the previous stanza
(v.23) ‘brahma’ is said to be purified. So the word ‘brahma-sava’
may refer to certain offerings or preferably rites accompanied by
those purified hymns.

SATRA:

The word is used only once in the Rgveda (VII.33.13) in the
sense of a particular soma-sacrifice as indicated by v.14, where the
priest with the pressing-stone is referred to (gravanarh bibhrat). It
is not clear whether it necessarily refers to a long sacrificial session
as Geldner 30 believes even though it occurs in a hymn known to be
late in its origin.

SAMANA BHARMAN:

It is referred to at VIII.2.8 (trayah kosasascotanti tisrascamvalj
supurnah | samane adhi bharman). As Geldner and Prof. Ve lank ar

30. Der Rgveda, Vol. Ill, p. 56.

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

133

say, 31 it is different from the savanas. It appears however to be
a rite, so designated on account of the same number of ‘kosas’ and
‘camus’ used in it. The propriety of using three kosas is indicated
in v.9 (sucirasi purunihsthah ksirairmadhyata asirtah j dadhna
mandisthah surasya ij), where they are said to be required for storing
(1) the pure soma-juice, (2) the juice mixed with milk, (3) and that
mixed with curds. It may be noted that the word ‘kosa’ is used in

a number of places in the Rgveda (1.112.11.etc., vide Chapter IV)

in the sense of a vessel for storing the soma-juice. In the plural,
the word is used with Maruts at 1.87.2. Soma is said to be flowing
to the kosas at IX.86.20; 88.6. Three kosas are referred to with
Parjanya at VII.101.4. The word camu (vide Chapter IV) is used
in plural almost as frequently as in dual but is qualified by ‘tisrah’
(three) only here. It is also noteworthy that three kosas and three
camus together have been mentioned only here, indicating that such
an association is quite unusual. It is therefore possible to imagine
that the word refers to a rite of that name.

SAVANA:

For ‘savanas’ as special rites performed in honour of certain
divinities only cf. Chapter V.

SAHASRASAVA : 32

The word is used twice 33 in the Rgveda. Sayana construes the
word as ‘the Aivamedha’ at III.53.7 and as ‘the rainy season’ at
VII.103.10. As the word ‘sava’ is used in the sense of ‘the pressed
soma-juice’ at X.49.7 (yanma savo manusa aha), where Indra is indi¬
cating how he responds to the soma-pressing of men promptly, the
word cannot mean what Sayana takes it to be. It is interesting to
note that the word is used almost in identical passage in the Visvami-
tra and the Vasi?tha mandalas. The phenomenon of the repetition of
w.7-11 in the Apri hymns of the two mandalas is more interesting
and very possibly is attributable to the association of the two families
with the Bharatas. 34

It is possible therefore that ‘the sahasrasava’ is a peculiar soma-
rite, that both the families officiated at, as the family-priests of the
Bharatas. 35

31. Geldner, Vol. II, p. 282 and Velankar (B.U.J. XIV) 1945, p. 10, F.N., 'the self-same
offering’ as distinguished from Savanas.

32. Velankar B.U.J. 1935. Geldner, Vol. I, p. 393 and II, p. 273.

33. III.53.7; VII.103.10.

34. Vide AHR, B.U.J., 1946.

35. Vide Chapter XI on VII..103 and ‘somaparva’ below.

134

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

SOMA-PARVAN : 36

Soma-parvans are referred to only once in the Rgveda (cf. 1.9.1,
‘indra ehi matsyandhaso visvebhih soma-parvabhih’)- At all the ‘soma-
parvans’, Indra is said to be receiving the soma-juice. This would
indicate that it was a special rite with soma-juice, exclusively in
honour of Indra like the ‘madhyandina savana’ (vide Chapter V).
Similarly the ‘parvans’ of Agni worship have been referred to at
1.94.4 (bharamedhmam krnavama havimsi te, citayantah parvana
parvana vayam), where, according to Max Muller, 37 the Darsapurna-
masa sacrifice is referred to. ‘Parvan’ must have indicated a portion
of time as indicated by the various scholars, referred to above. How¬
ever as soma was pressed almost daily, there would not be much
point in taking the word to refer to merely the ‘days’; it would
rather refer to the ‘rites’ performed on those days. Very possibly
‘parvan’ indicates the idea of a part of a longer sacrifice, where a
number of such ‘parvans’ would complete a longer sacrificial per¬
formance 38 like the Sahasrasava. It is also possible that the ‘parva’
refers to the different portions of the day, when specifically soma
rites associated with the Indra-worship are referred to as ‘soma-
parvans’. Thus it would appear that the idea of periodical rites in
honour of some specific divinities had already come into existence.

Besides these specifically designated rites, there appear to be
some others without designations which had some special ritual
associated with them.

(1) Thus, one such rite appears to be referred to at I.80.9 39
(sahasram sakamarcata, paristobhata vimsatih | satamenamanvano-
navuh—indraya brahma udyatam||). It was perhaps a form of
group worship, where a thousand people would participate; twenty
of them would stand around and praise, with a hundred persons
repeating what they recited. Such a loudly uttered praise appears
to rise (more easily) to Indra. For the idea of the hymns spoken
loudly so that they may be accepted, cf. 1.75.1 (vacah saprathas-
tamarh).

(2) AprI Type: 40

The Apri hymns appear to have in view a sort of family-ritual
centred round Agni, where all the deities were used to be worshipped.
As the same order of references is followed in all the Apri hymns
(though with sufficient freedom of expression) and as the families
appear to be very particular about an Apri hymn of their own, the

36. Geldner, Grassmann and Velankar (B.U.J. XVII 1948) construe as ‘festive days
when soma is offered.’

37. ASL, p. 259.

38. cf. VII 103.5 ‘sarvam tadesam samrdheva parva, yat suvaco vadathana adhyapsu’
where the idea of the completion of a whole by parts is indicated.

39. B.U.J. Vol. XVIII 1949: Prof. Velankar understands them to be the hymns.

40. For details cf. AHR, B.U.J. 1946, Section XIII, pp. 49-51.

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE 10.5

ritual association is quite obvious. The hymns were apparently
composed for a type of family rite though the name is nowhere
referred to in the hymns of the Rgveda. ;i

(3) At V. 45.7, (archan yena dasamaso navagvah) and V.45.11
(yayataran dasa maso navagvah), the navagvas are said to have
worshipped for ten months. It appears to be a longer soma-ritual
indicated by a reference to a pressing-stone. 4?

It would appear that when soma had become quite a common
offering, so that in small quantities, it was pressed every day (cf.
IX.75.4, madhordhara pinvamana dive dive, also IX.101.6, 107.19),
some people must have thought of offering soma continuously, result¬
ing in such longer sacrifices. It should however be noted that, it
has not come to be given a specific name, because the ritual asso¬
ciated with it, had not apparently become complicated.

(4) It can be understood that when such continuous offerings
were undertaken, some people must have occasionally failed in the
performances on account of certain difficulties. Such people then
would come to be ridiculed by others and hence a poet, in the very
beginning of his composition, is giving an assurance that he would
not abandon the performance once undertaken (cf. V.46.1, hayo na
vidvan ayuji svayam dhuri tam vahami prataranimavasyuvam j nasya
vasmi vimucam navrtarh punarvidvan pathah pura eta rju nesati jj),
where by means of a metaphor, the poet indicates how he has volun¬
tarily got himself yoked to the chariot of sacrifice, from which he
neither wants to turn back nor to be released. In the remaining
portion of the hymn, more than thirty divinities have been referred
to. This would indicate that the ritual of the hymn was centred
round the Visvadevas 43 and hence had become somewhat difficult
to carry out.

It is quite possible that when the conception of all the gods
to be worshipped together, was introduced in the growing system
of sacrifice, the ritual adopted for the purpose must have been one
which could be acceptable to all the divinities and their devotees.
So by a combination of some select details from other modes of
worship, the Viivedeva ritual must have been framed and as such
it must have become a type by itself.

ANIMAL SACRIFICE :

Varying views regarding the prevalence of the animal sacrifice
in the Rgveda have been referred to. 44 No satisfactory explanation
has been given about its prevalence at an earlier date.

41. cf. Chapters XI and XIV below and AHR B.U.J. 1945-46

42. Vide Navagvas and Dasagvas in Chapter VII.

43. cf. Visvedeva type in Chapter XI.

44. Chapter I. pp. 5-8: Chapter V; ERE XII. p. 610; RPV, p. 13; ABI.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

186

As suggested above, 45 very possibly the idea of offering the
animal flesh as an offering came into existence after the introduction
of the Pitr-yajna. This conjecture appears to be supported on various
other grounds as well.

(a) We have noted in Chapter IV, how references to the ‘tying
post’ in the sacrificial set-up, are pretty rare. When other equip¬
ment of the sacrificial set-up, has been more frequently referred to
(vide Chapter IV), there is no reason why the ‘post was not so refer¬
red to, if it was commonly associated with the place and mode of the
sacrifice.

(b) In the hymns, composed for the propitiation of the divinity,
the offerings of ghrta and soma are very conspicuously referred to
as brought or offered by the sacrificers. We do not however come
across any such reference to the ‘pasu’ or the beast of the sacrifice, 46
which should have occurred if the beasts were so commonly offered
in the sacrifice.

(c) As the Apri hymns have been forcibly employed in the
Prayaja offerings of an animal sacrifice 47 by the Brahmanas, it
becomes clear that the Brahmanas could not find any other hymns
which were traditionally associated with an animal-sacrifice. Thus
it would be clear that when even the Brahmanas have no tradition
of association of hymns with an animal-sacrifice, it is not possible
to infer that the animal-sacrifice was widely prevalent in the days
of the Rgveda.

(d) Even if the process of preparation of the different obla¬
tions is taken into account, it can be realised that the process of
preparing an animal offering would be a much more complicated
and elaborate one. Just as the preparation of soma is described
in details and also referred to in the similes (vide Chapter XII), no
such reference to the animal-offering occurs in the hymns of the
Rgveda.

(e) In Chapter III, we have observed how the gods come to be
given epithets on the basis of offerings made to them frequently.
If the animal sacrifice were prevalent, corresponding epithets would
have occurred pretty frequently in the same manner.

(f) Purity in sacrifice, with cleanliness of materials and purity
of offerings have been occasionally stressed and hence animal sacri¬
fice cannot be imagined to have been in existence at least when the
essential conceptions regarding the sacrifice came to be evolved.

45. Chapter V. p. 118.

46. Ibid.

47. AHR B.U.J. 1945-46.

THE TYPES OF THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

18?

(g) The association of soma and the animal-sacrifice in the
Br&hmanas appears to have led various scholars to believe in the
existence of animal sacrifice in the Rgveda as the soma-offering was
common. If there was any such association in the days of the Rgveda,
it would have been referred to at least occasionally in the soma
hymns of the ninth mandala. It is further supported by its non¬
mention in III.28 (vide comments in Chapter XI), where it would
certainly have been referred to if it were in existence.

Thus it will be observed that though some forms of performance
have come to be distinguished from others, it appears to be more or
less a distinction in the traditions at different places and times.
Even when longer performances are referred to, they do not appear
to be either characterized or distinguished from each other by any
elaborate ritual.

Chapter Seven

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

3TTOr ^ffcT qTT: qpr amrTHJIT: I (RV IV. 2.14)

stt^ q-jf wim tmnr: i (rv x. 101.2)

cl ^mr # TOPT^T Riff: I (RV X. 148.3)

SYNOPSIS :—

Poets as thinkers—shaping the sacrifice through hymns—balance in the
relative position of gods, patrons and the priests—mention of vipra-rajya discussed
—also VIII.6.3—cause of sacrifice the aim of their life—intelligent service—the words
brahmana and ksatriya—

Evolution of the class in general—priests not a class of magicians—not shaping
the ritual for their predominance—words indicating priests—family tradition giving
impetus to sacrifice—tradition of the worship of certain divinities—no unbroken
tradition even about the authorship—families and individual members described
—duties of different priests not clearly mentioned—view about professional priests—
officiating priests with their duties—Hotr—offerings mentioned after him—his
duties—choice of adhvaryu—transition to the two-priests-stage—soma sacrfice,
the reason for his introduction—udgatr—different designations indicating later in¬
troduction in the sacrifice—brahman—purohita—idea underlying—potr, prasastr etc.
—stages through which the different offices developed—

The poets of the Rgvedic hymns were essentially the thinkers 1
of the time, who attempted to evolve ideas of social, religious and
philosophical importance for the well-being, growth and emanci¬
pation of the Aryan society in general. Hymns became the means
of the expression of these ideas, a practical application of which was
sought to be worked out by the system of sacrifice. Howsoever the
sacrifice may have originated, it was found to be a good means of
experimenting with ideas of a varied nature. If the sacrifice was
meant for the propitiation of the gods, 2 the hymns were looked upon
as an important means for such propitiation and as such, it was
entirely in the hands of the priests to tone up the hymns and through
them to shape the sacrifice as they desired. An indication of this
aspect of their role is given in X.78.1, (vipraso na manmabhih
svadhyah), where Maruts are compared with them for their well-
thought-out hymns.

When the priest-poets thus started evolving the idea and
practice of the sacrifice, they had to define their position in relation

1. cf. "xtUT

2. ‘Yajno devanam pratyeti sumnam’ etc. in Chapter III.

138

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

189

to the divinities towards whom the sacrifices were directed, the
patrons who supported their sacrificial activities and also the actual
performances that they would undertake. As long as a proper
balance in this triple relationship was maintained, the system of
sacrifice developed on proper lines, in its turn, helping the cause
of general social progress. It is for this reason that we find the
social structure standing well-balanced with proper importance
attached to all the prevalent sections. With the mechanisation of
the idea of sacrifice however, the balance was disturbed and conse¬
quently the form of social structure also changed. We have therefore
got to appreciate the way in which the authors of the Rgvedic hymns
looked upon and cultivated the notions of this threefold relationship,
as the same will indicate the nature of the sacrifice they were trying
to evolve.

The discussion in Chapter III, has indicated the w'ay in which,
they have attempted to evolve their ideas about the divinity and
the divine worship. Though the divinities were conceived mainly
for the purposes of rendering help to human beings and the sacrifice,
for the sake of divine propitiation, both the ideas were being pro¬
gressively evolved. The divinities have not deteriorated merely
into agencies for rendering help nor has sacrifice attained the form
of merely a means of ensuring or buying the divine assistance. This
has been achieved mainly by the way in which they developed the
idea of their relationship with the divinities. An illustration would
clarify the point. Among the divinities, Agni has got functions very
much akin to those of the human priests and hence gets epithets
like hotr, purohita, etc. It is hence that the priests could have
glorified themselves to the position of Agni or brought down Agni
to their level as far as the sacrifice was concerned. But we find that,
in the hymns of the Rgveda, the importance of Agni as a divinity
has never dwindled; nor have the priests been glorified beyond any
reasonable proportions. At VIII.3.4 (satyah so asya mahima grne
savo yajnesu vipra-rajye [), sacrifices are referred to as the kingdom
of the priests. It merely seems to have been done with a view to
emphasize the importance of the sacrifice that the priests are under¬
taking for the sake of their patrons, whom they are praising in the
hymn. It may also be due to the idea of emphasizing their supe¬
riority over other priests. But the general tone of VIII.3, which
stresses the importance of Indra on the one hand and the patrons
on the other also indicates that the Kanva poet, howsoever self-
conscious he may be, is not seeking to subordinate the gods and the
patrons as far as the sacrificial performances are concerned. This
may possibly have been a family-trait of the Kanvas, as the author
of VIII.6 has expressed the notion of Indra being the means of
sacrifice (v.3, kanva indram yadakrata stomairyajnasya sadhanam).

140

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

This also does not appear to be meant to be taken literally as the
same poet refers further on to the fact that it is Indra, who has
promoted the sacrifice under his leadership fVIII.6.22, tavedindra
pranitisu yajno vitantasayyah |).

Thus it may be noted that while the priest-poets have become
progressively conscious of their significant contribution to the cause
of sacrifice, they have not been blind to the importance of the other
agencies instrumental in the growth of the sacrifice and hence have
maintained their role of the followers of the system, which they
aspired to develop. Thus a poet observes at VII.61.6 (samu varh
yajnarn mahayam namobhih)) that he desired to exalt the sacrifice
meant for the divinities. The priests appear to be glad at the thought
that they could render priestly service in the sacrifice (VII.60.12. .. .
purohitiryuvabhyam yajnesu mitravaruna akari|) and that the gods
accepted their service (VII.83.7, satya nrnamadmasadamupastutir
deva esamabhavan devahuti§u I). They consider the service as almost
an aim of their life as indicated at X.28.12 (ete samibhih susami
abhiivan, ye hinvire tanvah soma ukthaih) and at IV.2.19 (akarma te
svapaso abhuma), where the poet refers to the act of sacrifice as
giving the credit of a good deed done to those who participated in
the performance. The poets appear to be delighted that they were
following the path of sacrifice (X.66.13, rtasya panthamanvemi
sadhuya). Some of them even aspired to convert the hostile sections
to the cause of sacrifice (VII.64.3, bravad yatha na adarih sudase |
i§a madema saha devagopah jj). At IV.2.14 (ratham na kranto
apasa bhurijorrtarh yemuh sudhya asu?anah j), their work is com¬
pared with the carving of a chariot and for which they have been
complimented as intelligent (sudhyah). It is this intelligent service
that came to be emulated and made a poet express a desire that he
should be one of those who offered the soma-worship, (X. 148.3, te
syama ye ranayanta somaih j).

Regarding their attitude towards the patrons, it will be pointed
out in Chapter VIII as to how the patrons looked upon the priests as
indispensable for the purposes of sacrifice. Just as the priests came
to be compared with Agni in respect of the similarity of certain
functions in the sacrifice, (cf. the epithets purohita and hotr), so
too the patrons came to be compared with Indra in respect of his
liberal gifts (cf. maghavan) and glory (cf. suri) in the sacrifice. It
is for this reason that the author of 11.27, prayed that he should
never be in want of a liberal patron (vide Chapter VIII).

It is well known that those who composed the hymns and offi¬
ciated at the sacrificial performances developed into a class of
brahmins at the end of the Rgveda period (X.90.12). In the Rgveda,
the word ‘brahmana’ appears to be used in the sense of a composer

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

141

of the hymns (1.164.45, catvari vak parimita padani tani vidurbrah-
maija ye mani§inah |) or one who officiates at the rites (1.15.5; II.36.5;
VI.75.10; VII.103.1, 7, 8, where the words ‘sominah’ and ‘vratacarinah’
indicate it; VIII.58.1, ‘yo anucano brahmano yukta asit, kasvit tatra
yajamanasya samvit, where the choice of a ‘brahmana’ for a rite is
referred to; cf. also X.71.8, 9, 88.19, etc.). The association with
‘yajamana’ at VIII.58.1 would indicate that the relationship has
grown out of the functions at the sacrificial rite.

It should be noted in this connection that the word ‘k$atriya’
is used in the general sense of ruler over a certain region and not
in the sense of a caste as such. (cf. IV. 12.3, 42.1; V.69.1; X.109.3).
For the same reason, the gods are referred to as ‘ksatriyas’ at VII.
64.2; VIII.25.8 (mitravaruna); VIII.67.1 (adityas) and X.66.8. It is
to be noted that, when the classes as such came to be distinguished,
the term ‘rajanya’ came to be employed (X.90.12). The word
‘rajanya’ is not used elsewhere in the Rgveda, though the word
‘rajan’ is used in contradistinction to ‘brahman’ at 1.108.7 (yad
brahmani rajani va), indicating that the class-distinction was not
still prominent in the days of the Rgveda.

It appears that the reference to one of the brothers being the
ruler and another officiating at the rite (X.98) can be best explained
by assuming that one could take up a profession according to one’s
choice and aptitude. It is true that we see the phenomenon of the
priestly work being carried by family tradition but that is no sure
or safe ground for presuming the establishment of caste distinction.
In fact, it can be said that as long as the sacrifice was not well-
developed, the class-distinction did not become so rigid. It is there¬
fore we find that the sacrifice, which gave rise to these classes had
fostered healthy relations between the classes during the early
period of its development, when both of them were conscious of
evolving it as a healthy social institution. It is during this period
that mutual help characterized their work as it becomes evident
from the way in which they pray to the gods for prosperity (vide
Chapter VIII).

Varying views have been held regarding the origin and the
growth of the class of the priests. It appears that they have been
based on the general idea about sacrifice that came to be held.
Thus Prof. Macdonell, who believed the sacrifice to be saturated
with magic, observes 3 “Even in the period of the Rgveda, there
already existed a priestly class, qualified by special knowledge and
magical qualities to act for others in difficult and dangerous inter¬
course of men with gods and spirits.”

3. ERE Vol. XII p. 610; also ERE X pp. 311-13; ABI, pp. 17-22 RVL pp. 153-58

and 341-42 RPV pp. 253; 291-99.

142

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

It should, however, be noted that the class of priests was not
a class of magicians as Macdonell has surmised for the obvious reason
that the Pgvedic sacrifice was not magical in character. 4 The same
thing is indicated by the discussion above (Chapter III), regarding
the way, in which they have evolved the idea of divinity and their
mode of approach to them. Dr. Deshmukh has discussed the point
at length and arrived at the conclusion, “(p.157) since magic never
prevailed among the I.E.s to a great extent, before, at any rate, the
rise of religion in the form of belief in and worship of heavenly
gods, there did not have to exist a separate class of hereditary
magicians.”

There is no evidence to say that right from the beginning, the
class of the priests started to shape the sacrifice in a way favourable
to their predominance because the class of the singer-priests was in
a pretty mobile condition in the early stages. If the families of
both the singers and patrons have developed, it is natural on account
of the strong influence of heredity. But when the thinker poets,
in collaboration with their liberal patrons began to develop the
institution of sacrifice, the class of the priests began to develop and
attain a form. Thus the evolution of the class of the priests is essen¬
tially based on the evolution of the idea and practice of sacrifice
and it is from this point of view that the introduction of the different
categories of priests has to be noted with interest.

There are a number of words conveying the idea of the people,
who used to officiate at the sacrificial performances. The composers
of the hymns, the singers at the rite and others helping in the carry¬
ing out of the sacrificial ritual are all considered as identical and
terms like ‘usij’ or ‘jaritr’ are employed in the general sense of the
officiating priests. This would indicate that the same persons used
to perform all these functions for a long time in the growth of the
tradition of the sacrifice. Gradually, however, according to the
rough specification of the duties, the persons came to be separately
styled; but this process also does not appear to have become so well-
defined as to indicate different teams working with their specialised
duties in view.

In whichever stages this may have taken place, it is clear that
the family tradition has come into existence at a pretty early stage
of the Itgvedic sacrifice. It is this family tradition that has apparent¬
ly given impetus to the sacrifices on the one hand and the composi¬
tion of the hymns on the other.

The phenomenon of hymns in honour of Agni, Indra, Visvedevas,
etc., composed systematically in different families and later on also

4. Vide Chapters X and XIV below.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

113

arranged accordingly can only indicate the eagerness to maintain
certain traditions uniformly in all these famalies:

Total

| Family

Agni

Indra |

Visvedeva

Other divinities specially

Grtsamada

Brahmanaspati 4.

Visvamitra

Vamadeva

gbhus 5.

Atri

Maruts 10; Mitravaruna 11;

Asvins 6;

Bharadvaja

Pusan 6.

104

Vasistha

Mitravaruna 6; Asvins 8; Usas 7;
Varuna 4; Indra-varuna 4.

Kanva

Soma 8; Asvins 8; Maruts 4.

Bhrgus

Soma 12; Maruts 2.

Angirasas

Soma 23; Rbhus 2;

Asvins 3.

From the tabular statement above, it will be observed that
besides the general worship of Agni, Indra and the Visvedevas,
some families devoted special attention to certain individual divi¬
nities. Thus Maruts and Mitravarupa appear to be specially wor¬
shipped in the Atri family. Mitravaruna worship similarly appears
to be promoted by the Vasistha family. Pusan worship appears to
be characteristic of the Bharadvaja family and Rbhu worship, of the
Vamadeva family. Even though we do not get any evidence to say
anything regarding the origin of the worship of the individual divi¬
nities in the familes, it is clear that the families have promoted the
cause of sacrifice by the specialised forms of worship. Sacrifice has
thus grown with the growth of divinities in some family traditions.

It is further interesting to note that even the forty-three hymns
of the Grtsmadas have been grouped in a separate mandala, while
both the Kanva and Angirasas families with eighty-seven and ninety-
two hymns respectively to their credit according to the tradition
of the AnukramanI have not been assigned separate mandalas. In
the ninth mandala, the authors of the family mandalas are not so
well represented. Thus Visvamitra has four, 5 Atri has one, 6 Bhara¬
dvaja has four, 7 and Vasistha has one 8 . Kanvas, Bhrgus and Angi-
rasas have seven, eleven and twenty-three hymns respectively to
their credit. The maximum number of soma-hymns (thirty-five)
however goes to the credit of the poet of the Kasyapa family accord-

5. Nos. 1, 3, 70, 71.

6. No. 32.

7. Nos. 80, 81, 82, 98.

8. No. 90.

144

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

ing to the Anukramanl. It is not clear whether the authors men¬
tioned by the Anukramanl originally belonged to one or the other
of the ancient families referred to above. It may however be noted
that the authorship of certain hymns of the tenth man^ala as refer¬
red to by the Anukramanl appears to be quite conjectural, being
drawn from the prominent point of description in the hymns (note
particularly X.83, 84, 90, 108, 121, 129, etc.). This will confirm the
futility of believing in any unbroken tradition about the sacrificial
performances as even the tradition about the authorship of the
hymns has not continued upto the days of Katyayana. Thus for our
purposes, the only relevant information would be what can be culled
out from the hymns themselves.

AflGIRASAS : 9

Macdonell believes them to be mythical beings only, in the
Pgveda. But the Rgvedic poets appear to be quite conscious of their
real existence as they are referred to as ancient sages along with
Atri, etc., at 1.45.3 (atrivat. .. .angirasvad. . . .srudhi havam; also
1.78.3) with some reputation in Agni worship. Along with the
Bhrgus they are referred to at VIII.43.13. Agni is referred to as
‘ahgirastama’ at VIII.43.27. Their skill in composition is referred to
at 1.62.1; II.17.1; VIII.40.12. In the sacrifice, a poet of the Angiras
family is said to be singing a very sweet song at VI.11.3 (vepi$tho
angirasam yaddha vipro madhucchando bhavati rebha istau). Per¬
haps this gave rise to the name ‘Madhucchandas’, the reputed poet
of RV. I, 1-10, who thus might have been an ‘Angirasa’. Their sacri¬
ficial service is referred to as a standard of comparison at III.31.19
(angirasvannamasa saparyan); cf. also 1.107.2; VI.49.11. They are
associated with an efficacious form of ritual at 1.71.3. Some sama
hymns are characteristically associated with them at X.78.5 (cf.
Chapter XII under D).

Some persons belonging to the family are referred to in the
hymns. The author of VIII.85 refers to his name as Kr§na (vv.3, 4).
Similarly Visvaka is referred to at VIII.86.1, 2 and Vi?papu 10 in
v. 3. ‘Hiranya-stupa’ is referred to as a well-known worshipper at
X.149.5.

They appear to be on very cordial terms with the family of
Jamadagni as indicated at IX.62.24, where the poet is referring to
himself as Jamadagni, praying for soma for or from the Angirasas
at IX.62.9. Their Indra-worship is referred to at X.111.4.

Their mythical character referred to at X.62.5, where they are
said to be the sons of Agni or when Indra is said to have opened the

9 VMH Vol. II, pp. 155-169; V.I. Vol. I, p. VMM pp. 142-143,

10. cf. V.I Vol. II, p. 315; RV 1.116.23, 117.7, X.65.12.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

145

stalls of cows for them (cf. 1.132.4, IV.2.15, IX.86.23, X.108.10),
would only indicate the ancient tradition with which the family was
known and as such hallowed with some wonderful associations. At
V.11.6, they are referred to as having found Agni indicating their
connection with the fire-ritual at the early stages of the Rgvedic
sacrifice. Their association with the soma-ritual is indicated by their
authorship of twenty-three soma hymns next in number only to
Kasyapas,

AGASTYA : 11

Along with other poets of old like Kanva, Priyamedha and Atri,
Agastya styled as ‘Manya’ is mentioned at VIII.5.26. The poets of
X.60 refer to themselves as related to Agastya (v.6). For his mythi¬
cal origin cf. VII.33.14. He is said to be the elder brother of Vasistha
(VII.33.10) and appears to be well-known for his good compositions
(1.165.14, 15, 184.4 etc.). In three hymns of the Rgveda (1.165, 170,
171), Agastya is supposed to be attempting to propitiate Indra as he
had incurred the latter’s wrath (1.170.2, 3), on account of his wor¬
shipping Maruts without Indra. The hymns do not make the point
clear; but the idea in propitiating Indra who is angry with Maruts
(1.170.2, kim na indra jigharhsasi bhrataro marutastava), would
appear to be connected with their worship. Whatever might be the
nature of the offence of the poet, it would appear that different poets
were trying to popularise the worship of different divinities as their
special predilection. Agastya is credited with the authorship of an
Apr! hymn, 1.188.

ATRI : 12

The family is credited with the authorship of the fifth mandala. 13
At V.2.6 (vasarh rajanam vasatim jananam aratayo nidadhurmartye§u
brahmani atrerava tarn srjantu ninditaro nindyaso bhavantu |j), the
hymns of Atri are said to have released Agni and laid him down,
indicating that he had rendered some significant contribution to
Agni worship which had come into disrepute (possibly at the hands
of the worshippers of the other deities or the non-sacrificers). The
same thing is indicated by Atri being referred to as the standard of
comparison for Agni-worship. (V.4.9, agne atrivannamasa grnanah;
also V.7.8). It is further substantiated by the fact that the family
has as many as twenty-eight Agni hymns to their credit (cf. the
tabular statement above). This worship has led them to prosperity
as indicated at V.15.5. They have also furthered the soma ritual
as indicated at V.40.8, in which respect they are said to be incom¬
parable (V.40.9, nahi anye asaknuvan). Atri is mentioned along

11. V.I. pp. 6-7; Ved. Stu. 2, 138, 143.

12. VMH Vol. Ill, p. 310; V.I. Vol. I, p. 17; VMM, 145.

13. cf. especially V.22.4, 39.5, 67.5.
s. R.-io

146

SACRIFICE IN THE flGVEDA

with Priyamedha and Upastuta at V.25.5; with Kanva at 1.118.7; with
Gotama at 1.183.5 and with Kaksivats at X.143.1. Atris appear to
have specially sponsored the worship of Maruts, Asvins and Mitra-
varuna (vide tabular statement above). A number of persons
belonging to the family have been individually mentioned. Apala
at VIII.91.7; EvaySmarut at V.87.1; Gavisthira at V.1.12 and X.150.5
Gauraviti at V.29.11; Tryaruna at V.27.13; Dyumna at V.23.1; Paura
at V.74.4; Babhru at V.30.14; Ratahavya at V.66.3; Vavri at V.19.1;
Visvasaman at V.22.1; (For Syavasva see below); Samvarana at V.
33.10; Sasa at V.20.4; and Satyasravas at V.79.3.

ATHARVAN : 14

Like Angirasas, Atharvan also appears to be a very old family, 16
and as such is associated with some powers of a superhuman charac¬
ter at X.87.12, where they are said to be possessed of the power of
burning, cf. also X.120.8, 9. Some characteristic hymn of his com¬
position is referred to at 1.80.16. The founder of the family is said
to be the first to lay down the path of sacrifice (1.83.5, yajnairatharva
prathamah pathastate; X.92.10, yajnairatharva prathamo vi dhara-
yat). 16 Atharvan is credited with the churning of the fire at VI.16.13;
cf. also X.21.5. Dadhyac, 17 his son is also said to be continuing the
tradition of Agni worship at VI.16.14 and hence they have become
the standard of comparison as far as churning of fire is concerned
(VI.15.17, atharvavadagnim manthanti vedhasah). As Prof. Mac-
donell notes, some persons of the family, who have received gifts are
referred to at VI.47.24. The Atharvans appear to have a specific
way of mixing milk with soma-juice as referred to at IX.11.2, (abhi
te madhuna payo’tharvano asisrayuh). The poet of X.120 refers to
himself as the great Atharvan (v.9).

APNAVANA : 18

See under Bhrgus.

UPASTUTA : 18

He is mentioned along with the wellknown sacrificing priests
like Kanvas, Atri, etc. at 1.36.10, VIII.5.25,26. As Sobhari belonging
to Kanva family is referring to them in plural at VIII.103.8, it appears
to be a group of people associated in worship with the Kanva family.

14. VMH Vol. II, pp. 174; VMM 141; V.I. Vol. I, pp. 17-18.

15. They are included among the Pitrs along with Angirasas, Navagvas and Bhrgus
at X.14.6.

16. cf. also Bhrgus below.

17. cf. 1.111.12; 1.84.13 and under Navagvas below.

18. V.I. Vol. I, p. 26.

19. V.I. Vol. I, p. 97.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

14?

USANAS : ao

Like the ancient sages Angirasas and Bhrgus, he is credited with
the establishment of fire for the purposes of sacrifice at VIII.23.17.
The author of IV.16 belonging to the Vamadeva family refers to his
composition as being like that of Usanas (IV.16.2), indicating the
traditional reputation of the poet in the composition of hymns.

AUSIJA : 21

Kaksivan the famous author of a number of hymns (1.116-126)
is referred to as an Ausija at 1.18.1. But their separate individuality
is referred to at 1.112.11, indicating that possibly Ausija was the
name of an ancient family like Usanas. 22 Ausija family was known
for the soma ritual, at which Ausija is said to have drunk the soma-
juice (cf. 1.19.9, made somasya ausijo huvanyati j). Rjisva perhaps
is another member of the family (X.99.11, ausijo rjisva), associated
with the Indra-worship.

KAK§IVAN : 23

He is referred to as Ausija at 1.18.1. He is referred to along with
Vyasva as the worshipper of Asvins at 1.116.7, 117.6, VIII.9.10 and
along with Angirasas at 1.51.3. He is said to be a Pajriya at 1.116.7
(see Pajra below) and Pajras are said to be Kakslvantalj at 1.126.4.
He celebrates the receipt of the gift from Svanaya Bhavya 24 in 1.126.

KANVAS : 25

As it has been observed above, the Kapva family has been
ascribed the authorship of nearly ninety hymns in different mandalas.
The family is not represented in the tenth mandala. Out of the
hymns they have composed, nearly thirty-five are in honour of Indra,
indicating their special contribution to Indra-worship. It may be
noted that none of the other families has got so many Indra hymns
to its credit. The chief of the family is referred to at 1.48.4 (kanva
esam kanvatamah) and emulated as an ideal at VIII.6.11 and 52.8.
The family is mentioned along with Atri and others at V.25.5. They
are referred to as having pressed out soma-juice at 1.44.8 (suta-
somasah). It appears that they were keen sacrificers some time as
indicated at VIII.2.22. They also appear to have been considered
as good poets as their hymns are characteristically mentioned at
VIII.2.43, 7.19; 32.1. They appear to have fallen in estimate after¬
wards for some reason or other 26 and hence come to be considered

20. V.I. Vol. I, p. 103; he is referred to along with the Atharvan at 1.83.5.

21. V.I. Vol. I, p. 130.

22. For some miraculous association, cf. VI.4.6.

23. Brhad. IV.ll; V.I. Vol. I, p. 131.

24. Vide Chapter VIII.

25. V.I. Vol. I, p. 134.

26. VMH. Vol. Ill, 285.

148

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

as an unimportant family. The same fact, it may be noted, is also
indicated by their non-representation in the tenth mandala which is
considered to be the latest of the mandalas. But in their time, they
came to be considered as a great family as even the Bhrgus are
compared with them (VIII.3.16, kanva iva bhrgavah). As keen
devotees of Indra, they very often invoke the god to leave others
and go to them. 27 It is as a result of this intimacy that they have
referred to Indra as the instrument of sacrifice 28 at VIII.6.3 and as
being increased by their sacrifices at VIII.6.21. They have eight
Asvin hymns to their credit and hence appear to have taken to
Asvin worship keenly (cf. VIII.8.3, 4, 8, for ‘savana’ to Asvins).

It appears that the Kanvas were not on friendly terms with
the Pajras as indicated at VIII.4.17, 29 where the poet of Kanva
family expresses his reluctance to sing a saman hymn of the Pajra
family (though it may have been very efficacious).

It appears that as indicated in the case of the AprI hymns,
hymns of some sacrificial efficacy were borrowed by a family from
the other occasionally. The saman hymn of the Pajra family appears
to be one such hymn. But the categorical statement of the poet of
VIII.4 that he would not recite it, would indicate that priestly rival¬
ries were developing. 30

A few persons belonging to the family have been mentioned.
(1) Narsada Kanva is referred to as a protege of the Asvins at
1.117.8. 31 (2) Medhatithi is credited with the authorship of an Apr!
hymn (1.13). He is referred to at VIII.8.20 and appears to be identical
with Medhyatithi. 32 Medhyatithi appears to be an older member
of the family of the Kanvas, as his sacrificial fire is referred to by
another poet of the family at 1.36.10, 11, 17. His ability as a com¬
poser is emphasized at VIII.1.30, 2.40. His soma-juice is referred
to at IX.43.3. He is said to be protected by Indra at VIII.33.4 and
49.9. (3) Nipatithi is referred to along with Medhyatithi at VIII.49.9,
51.1. and is also possibly a member of the Kanva family. According
to Anuk, he is the author of VIII.34. (4) Praskanva 33 is said to have
been helped by Agni at 1.44.6. He appears to be older than Medhya¬
tithi as the latter refers to the help already received by Praskanva
earlier (cf. VIII.3.9). He is also referred to in connection with Indra
worship at 1.45.3, VIII.51.2, 54.8. (5) Vatsa, another rather self-

27. cf. VIII.4.2, 5.13, 32.22, 33.14, 49.7, 65.1, 66.12, 82.1.

28. discussed above in this Chapter.

29. ‘na tasya vemyaranam hi tadvaso stuse pajraya samne'j cf. Chapter II, p. 33.

30. cf. VMH. Vol. I, on II.18.3; cf. also V.2.6 (quoted above) where the ‘ninditarah’
(slanderers) of Atris are referred to.

31. At X.31.11 he is merely said to be called a Kanva. 'Uta Kanvam nr?adah
putramahuh’.

32. V.I. Vol. ii, p. 178.

33. V.I. Vol. II, p. 43.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

149

conscious member of the Kanva family has been referred to as con¬
nected with the worship of Agni, Asvins and Indra. At VIII.6.1
and 8.8, he is said to be increasing Indra by his hymns. At VIII.9.1,
he invokes help from Asvins. At VIII. 11.7, the poet indicates his
hold over the Agni worship (a te vatso mano yamat |). (6) Sobhari 34
is credited with the authorship of VIII.19.22 and VIII.103. He
appears to have been considered to be an important member of the
Kanva family and hence some of his descendents refer to themselves
as ‘Sobharis’, (cf. VIII. 19.32;20.8) and the first person of that name
as the ‘pita sobhari’ at VIII.22.15. He is mentioned along with
Kanva, Atri and Priyamedha at VIII.5.26. Sobharis appear to have
specialised in the worship of Maruts and through them of Indra.
Thus Maruts are referred to as ‘sobhariyavah’ at VIII.20.2

KA6YAPA : 3 5

It may be noted that according to the Anuk, the largest number
of soma hymns in the ninth mandala, ascribed to a single family,
are claimed by Kasyapas. They therefore appear to have specialised
in the soma-ritual almost exclusively unlike others. A poet who
refers to himself as Bhutamsa (X.106.11, bhutamso asvinoh kamama-
prah) is associated with Asvin worship, which also was a soma-
ritual essentially.

KU6IKA : 33

See under Visvamitra.

GAYA :

He is the son of Plti and author of X.63. and 64 37 referring
to himself at X.63.17, 64.17, as a singer who has satisfied the divini¬
ties by his hymns (X.64.16).

GRTSAMADA : 38

Grtsamadas are credited with the authorship of the second
mandala. They appear to have specialised in the Brhaspati or
Brahmanaspati worship. 39 They are said to be skilled in the com¬
position of hymns (II.19.8, 39.8). Their hymn to Saraswati is refer¬
red to at 11.41.17, 18. As Sunahotras, their soma-juice is referred
to at 11.41.14 and II.18.6. No individual member nor the head of the
family is referred to as we find in the case of the other families.
This may be due to the very ancient character of the family. It may

34. V.I. Vol. II, p. 474.

35. V.I. Vol. I, p. 145.

36. V.I. Vol. I, pp. 173-4.

37. which appear to be composed with a set purpose and pattern; both the
hymns are in honour of the Visvedevas and contain seventeen stanzas each.

38. V.I. Vo!, I, pp. 228-9; VMH Vol. Ill, 287.

39. Vide tabular statement above.

150

SACRIFICE IN THE PtGVEDA

be noted that the family has got a separate Apri hymn (II.3) of their
own, indicating some strong family ritual associations.

GOTAMA : 40

Excepting at two places (1.116.9, 183.5), where Gotama is refer¬
red to as a protege of the Asvins, the word used in singular or in
plural, is associated with the composition of some hymns. Thus
hymns are said to be composed by them (1.61.6, 63.9). Hymns
belonging to them (gotamaso girah) are referred to at 1.78.1; IV.32.9.
Vamadeva, the author of IV.4 refers to Gotama as his father (v.ll,
tanma piturgotamadanviyaya |), from whom he has inherited, tradi¬
tion of some efficacious compositions (vacobhih). The same is
indicated also by Nodhas, also a Gotama, composing a fresh hymn
for Indra (1.62.13, navyamataksad brahma |). The Gotamas are
referred to as composers of hymns at 1.88.4 and as bearers of hymns
at IV.32.12 (stomavahasah). They are referred to as ‘Rahugapa’ 41
at 1.78.5, where too their hymns to Agni specifically have been
referred to.

JAMADAGNI : 42

Visvamitra and Jamadagni are jointly the authors of X.167
and are referred to in v.4 of the hymn. In the Rgveda, he does not
appear to be a rival of Vasistha as he is referred to in a hymn of the
Vasistha mandala as an ideal poet. At VII.96.3 (grnana jamadagnivat
stuvana ca vasisthavat |), Jamadagni appears to be considered to be
as great a singer poet as Vasistha and his contribution as such is
referred to at IX.97.51 (arseyam jamadagnivat). His interest in
soma-rites is indicated at IX.62.24; 65.25. He is associated with the
worship of Mitravaruna (III.62.18) and Asvina (VIII.181.8) as well.
For his relation with the Bhrgus and the Angirasas, refer to notes
under the words.

DASAGVA : 43

He is said to be the best of the Angirasas at X.62.6 (dasagvo
angirastamah). The Dasagvas are said to have originated the sacri¬
fice at 11.34.12 (te dasagvah prathama yajnamuhire I). They are said
to have pressed out the soma-juice at V.29.12. They have been
closely associated with the Navagvas. The names very possibly
indicate that they initiated some longer ritualistic performances like
the ‘sahasrasava’ (vide Chapter VI). Perhaps the names indicate
the groups of nine or ten persons, which initiated a particular type
of ritual as would be indicated by the horses of Indra being referred

40. V.I. Vol. I, p. 234; cf. ‘Vamadevas’ below.

41. V.I. Vol. II, p. 209.

42. V.I. Vol. I, p. 276.

43. V.I. Vol. I, p. 341; VMM 144, 170.

.HE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

151

to as ten-fold or hundredfold, etc., at VIII.1.9 (ye te santi dasagvinah
satino ye sahasrinah. . . .asvasah) 44

DIRGHA-TAMAS : 46

He is referred to as ‘Aucathya’ at 1.158.1, 4 and as a ‘Mamateya’
at 1.158.6. At VIII.9.10, he appears as a worshipper of Asvins along
with Kakslvan and Vyasva. At 1.147.3 and IV.4.13, Mamateya,
who is blind is referred to as protected by Agni. 46 His association
with sacrificial performances is indicated at 1.152.6. He is credited
with the authorship of an Apr! hymn 1.142.

DURMITRA : 47

He is referred to as a poet who has praised Indra in a characte¬
ristic way at X.105.11. He appears to be different from Sumitra
related with the family of Vadhryasva (vide Chapter VIII), though
X.105.11 would give an impression about their being identical (vide
Sumitra below p. 159).

NABHAKA AND NABHAKA :

A descendant of Nabhaka is referring to him at VIII.40.4, 5,
as known for his good compositions. The hymns of Nabhaka are also
similarly referred to at VIII.41.2. According to Anuk, he is a Kanva
but Ludwig 48 believes him to be an Ahgirasa. 49

NAVAGVAS : 50

Like Dasagvas, they are either intimately connected with the
Ahgirasa family or are a group of that family itself, (cf. X.108.8,
angiraso navagvah). Along with Dasagvas they are referred to as
Angirasas at X.62.6. They are said to be soma-pressers at V.29.12.
They are referred to as ancient members of the family by a poet
of the Bharadvaja family (VI.22.1, nah purve pitaro navagvah). At
X.14.6, they are ranked along with Angirasas, Atharvans and Bhrgus
as Pitrs, who deserve worship with soma. Their ancient character,
connection with Angirasas and Agni worship makes possible their
reference as ‘flames of fire’ at VI.6.3 (agne bhamasah sucayascaranti
. .. .divyah navagvah |). At X.61.10, (rtam vadanta rtayuktimagman),
their connection with a rite and appropriate recitals thereat is refer¬
red to. A soma ritual lasting for ten months is associated with them
at V.45.7. 61 Dadhyan is mentioned as belonging to the Navagva group

44. Vide Navagvas below.

45. V.I. Vol. I, p. 367; ‘mamateya’ op. cit. Vol. II, p. 154. and Gledner Vol. II, p. 202
F.N.

46. a whole verse ‘ye payavo . debhuh’ is repeated in two hymns (1.147.3)

by Dirghtamas and IV.4.13 by Vamadeva Gotama.

47. V.I. Vol. II, p. 457.

48. cf. 3, 107.

49. V.I. Vol. I, pp. 441-442.

50. V.I. Vol. I, p. 437; VMM. 144, 170.

152

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

and his significant soma-ritual is referred to at IX.108.4a (yena
navagvo dadhynnapornute). 62 It appears to be the same as referred
to at 1.118.12 (dadhyn ha yanmadhvatharvano vamasvasya slrsna pra
yadimuvaca |), who has joined the Navagva group. Their service
to Indra is distinguished from that rendered by the Dasagvas at
1.62.4.

NABHANEDISTHA (MANAVA) : 53

Ahgirasas are praised to favour the author of the hymn at
X.62.1-4. He is referred to as Nabhanedistha at X.61.18, the epithet
perhaps being explained by the fact that as a keen sacrificer he was
always nearest the altar (fiabhi, cf. Chap. IV for epithets of altar).

PAJRA :

The name of the family appears to be of a derivative signifi¬
cance similar to that of the Vasistha family, being derived from the
root ‘paj’ (from which pajas is derived). With this derivative sense
in view, the word appears to be used at 1.158.3, VIII.4.17, 54 VIII.6.47
and X.106.7. The family seems to have been known for their Indra
and Asvina worship. At 1.117.10, they are said to be invoking
Asvins and the Asvins are compared with them in an obscure simile
at X.106.7. Indra is referred to as ‘pajra’ at VIII.63.12 and he is
said to be firm among the pajras like a door-post at 1.51.14.
Kaksivan is said to be a ‘pajriya’ at 1.116.7 and at 1.126.4, 5, kaksi-
vantah are referred to along with ‘pajras’. The gift of Srutaratha
and Priyaratha to Pajra family is referred to at 1.122.7, 8. For their
relation with the Kanvas, see under Kanvas above.

PA YU : 55

He is mentioned at VI.47.24 as receiving a gift from Prastoka,
indicating his priestly service.

PU$TIGU 66 AND SRUSTIGU : 57

They are mentioned along with Medhyatithi and Nipatithi at
VIII.51.1, as connected with soma performance and may be the names
of priests, 58 so called because of the possession of cows received
from the patrons. It is not improbable however that they are the
rich patrons as the names may indicate.

51. Vide Chapter VI.

52. V.I. Vol. I, p. 442.

53. V.I. Vol. I, p. 466; Ved. Stu. 1.97.98; and ‘Srutaratha’ in Chapter VIII.

54. for their sama, see above.

55. V.I. Vol. I, p. 518.

56. V.I. Vol. II, p. 10.

57. V.I. Vol. II, p. 403.

58. Similarly ‘Satyagu’ (X.47.6) may also be a priest. V.I. Vol. II. p. 424.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

153

PRIYAMEDHA : t9

It is the name of an individual priest as well as of the family,
specialised in Indra and Asvina worship. They are mentioned along
with Kanvas and Atris as receiving help from Asvins at VIII.5.25, 26;
with Kanvas and Bhrgus at VIII.3.16 and in an invocation to Indra
at 1.45.3. At VIII.2.37 and 69.8, the members of the family are
exhorted to worship Indra. They are referred to as worshipping
Indra at X.73.11 and horses of Indra at VIII.6.45. Along with
Kanvas, they are referred to as receiving magnificent gift from
Kurunga 60 at VIII.4.20. Their association with sacrificial perform¬
ances is said to be very ancient at VIII.69.18 (anu pratnasyaukasah
priyamedhasa esam purvamanu prayatirh vrktabarhiso hitaprayasa
asata |), where ancient tradition of cutting grass and arranging
sacrificial offering is referred to.

BABHRU :® 1

He is said to be offering a soma-sacrifice for the king Rnamcaya
at V.30.11 and receiving a sumptuous gift for the same. 62

BRHADUKTHA

He appears to have performed a soma sacrifice for his patron
Svaitreya 64 at V.19.3 and received the gift of a necklace. He is
credited with the authorship of X.54-56 and is said to belong to
Vamadeva family according to Anuk. He refers to his hymn for
Indra as a powerful one (X.54.6). His help to his family is refer¬
red to at X.56.7.

BHARADVAJA i 66

Bharadvaja family is credited with the authorship of the sixth
mandala, four hymns from the ninth mandala and three hymns in
the tenth mandala (Nos. 87, 152, 155). The family has the credit
of composing the maximum number of Indra hymns (thirty) in the
family group and next only to Kanvas who claim about thirty-five
hymns in the first and the eighth mandalas taken together. The
head of the family is apparently referred to at VI.65.6 (bharadvaja-
vadvidhate maghoni. ...) and VI.31.4, where Indra is said to have
given gifts to the praising Bharadvaja. A descendant of the family
is referring to the secret of sacrifice known to the Bharadvaja family
(X.181.2 avindante atihitarh yadasid yajnasya dhama paramam
guha yat). Bharadvaja is referred to as a hotr. He is mentioned
along with Atri, Kanva and Vasistha at X.150.5. The association

59. V.I. Vol. II, p. 52.

60. Vide Chapter VIII and XI.

61. V.I. Vol. II, p. 60.

62. Vide Chapters VIII under Rusamas and XI.

63. V.I. Vol. II, p. 71.

64. Vide Chapter VIIII.

65. V.I. Vol. II, pp. 97-98.

15 *

SACRIFICE IN THE ?GVEDA

of Bharadvaja family with Asvins is referred to at 1.112.13, 116.18;
VI.63.10. Agni-worship and Agni’s gifts are referred to at 1.59.7;
VI.10.6, 15.3, 16.5, 48.7; X.181.2. They are said to have received
a gift of Sarnjaya at VI.47.25. 66

BHUTAM6A:

See under Kasyapa.

BHRGU : B7

In a number of passages, the connection of the Bhrgus with
Agni and Matarisvan is referred to and it has led Prof. Macdonell
to believe that ‘Bhj-gu’ as a historical family name occurs only at four
places in the Rgveda (VII. 18.6; VIII.3.9, 6.18 and 102.4). The family of
Bhj-gus appears to be a very ancient family, older than the Kanvas,
who are compared with them at VIII.3.16. They are referred to as
ideal priests along with Angirasas and Atharvans at VIII.43.13 and
X.14.6. Atharvan is perhaps older than Bhrgu as indicated at 1.83.5
and X.92.10 (see Atharvan above). Atharvan is also connected with
fire like the Bhrgus and it appears to indicate that the discovery
of fire has given great impetus to the idea of divine worship. It is
Bhrgus who appear to have made Agni worship more popular so
that they are referred to as having given Agni to men (1.58.6). The
idea is also expressed by saying that Matarasvan has brought Agni
for the Bhrgus (1.60.1; III.5.10; X.46.9). They are said to have
found the fire skilfully (II.4.2; X.46.1) or laid down the fire (II.4.2;
VI.15.2) or impelled the fire (1.143.4). Agni is also referred to as a
gift of Bhrgus to men (III.2.4) and on account of such close associa¬
tion, comes to be referred to as ‘Bhrgavana’ at 1.71.4, IV.7.4. The
skill of the Bhrgus in the composition of hymns is referred to at IV.
16.20 and X.39.14. They are referred to as initiating Agni-worship by
the kindling of fire and the composition of hymns (X.122.5, tvarh
stomebhirbhrgavo virurucuh). They are said to have praised Indra 63
(VIII.6.18) and received Indra’s help to win over the prizes (VIII.3.9).
But they appear to have suffered a heavy blow at the hands of Indra,
when they officiated for the enemies of Sudas—may be Druhyus, 69
— who are said to have perished along with them (VII.18.6, srustiih
cakrurbhrgavo druhyavasca).

Ghosa 70 may have belonged to the family of Bhrgus as he is
referred to as ‘bhrgavana’ at 1.120.5 in connection with Agni-worship.

From the way in which Apnavana is referred to at IV.7.1

66. Vide Chapter VIII, under ‘Srnjayas’.

67. V.I. Vol. II, p. 109; VMM 51; VMH Vol. II, 169-73.

68. Bhrgus are credited with the authorship of evelen soma hymns in the nineth
mandala.

69. Vide Chapter VIII.

70. V.I. Vol. I, p. 251.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE 155

(yamapnavano bhrgavo virurucuh), it would appear that he belonged
to the Bhrgu family. This is further supported by VIII. 102.4, where
Agni is said to be invoked in the same manner as was done by
Aurva Bhrgu and Apnavana (aurvabhrguvaccucimapnavanavada
huve... .agnim). According to Anuk, the author of VIII.102, is a
person of the Bhrgu family and he would naturally be supposed to
refer to two of his illustrious ancestors, known for their Agni
worship.

According to Anuk, Jamadagni, the author of an Apr! hymn
X.110, was a member of the Bhrgu family. He is closely associated
with Angirasas (vide under Angirasas above). But we do not get
any clear evidence from the hymns of the Rgveda to say whether
the families of Bhrgus and Angirasas were on intimate terms, though
both have played a significant part in the growth of the sacrifice.

VASA : 71

At 1.112.10, 116.21; VIII.8.20 and X.40.7, he is said to be pro¬
tected by Asvins. At VIII.24.14 he is said to be praying to Indra
and at VIII.50.9 is referred to as protected by Indra. At VIII.46.21,
33, he is said to have received magnificent gifts from Prthusravas
Kanita. 72

VASISTHA : 73

Vasi§tha and his family are credited with the authorship of the
seventh mandala and a few hymns in the ninth and the tenth
man^lalas. The reference in singular does not necessarily refer to
the head of the family (e.g. VII.9.6, 22.3, 42.6, 73.3 etc.). At some
places however, the head of the family is obviously referred to (e.g.
VII.18.4, 21; 33.10, 11). VII.33 indicates the halo created round the
name of the chief of the family even in those ancient days. VII.18
is obviously descriptive of a real event, indicating the nature of
help rendered by the Vasistha to Sudas against pretty heavy odds
(VII.83.8a, dasarajne pariyattaya visvatah; VII.33.6). The reference
to Parasara and Satayatu of his family who have also helped him
in the Indra-worship (VII.18.21) indicates how the chief priest used
to enlist the services of other members of his family in the priestly
service, undertaken by him.

The majority of the references to the family are indicative of
their skill in poetic compositions addressed to various divinities
(cf. VII.18.4, 23.6, 26.5, 70.6, 73.6, 76.6, 80.1, 90.7). They appear
to be conscious of the service they were rendering to the divinities

71. V.I. Vol. II, p. 273.

72. Vide Chapter VIII.

73. V.I. Vol. II, pp. 274-77.

156

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

and hence the reference to their increasing the divinities (VII.12.3,
77.6).

Saraswati worship was perhaps initiated by Vasistha in colla¬
boration with Jamadagni as indicated at VII.96.3 (grnana jamadagni-
vat stuvana ca vasisthavat). The reference may perhaps be to the
two independent hymns in honour of the divinity by Vasistha (VII.
95, 96). He is associated in Agni worship as indicated at VII.7.7, 8.7,
9.6, 42.6; X.122.8. As related with Mitra and Varuna (vide VII.33),
the family of Vasistha has naturally played its part in the furtherance
of the Mitravaruna worship with six independent hymns. Their
worship of a large variety of deities indicates the balance they had
maintained in the general scheme of the sacrifice and it is this fact
which has made their contribution to the cause of sacrifice quite
significant.

The reverence with which the later members of the family
looked upon the founder of the family can be seen in a proud refer¬
ence at X.66.14 (vasisfhasah pitrvad vacamakrata). In a later passage
(X.150.5), Vasistha is referred to as a ‘purohita’ in his invocation to
Agni and at X.181.1, Vasistha is credited with the composition of
the famous ‘rathantara’ saman. 74 His protestation against the
allegation of the use of the ‘yatu’ by him at VII.104.15-16 and his
emphasis on the truth at VII.104.12 indicates that he was in favour
of a system of sacrifice that was completely free from blemish. It
may also indicate that both the tendencies of magic and religion
prevailed at places and the emphasis by Vasistha on the sacrifice
to all the divinities and his emphatic denunciation of the black
magic appears to have paved the way for the spread of the purer
practice of sacrifice and through it a more refined view of religion.

Excepting Parasara and Satayatu (VII.18.21), no other mem¬
bers 75 of the family have been individually referred to in the hymns
of the Rgveda.

VIMADA : 7G

It appears to be a later family of the poets, which seeks to
distinguish its composition by a play on their name as indicated at
X.21.1-8; 24.1-3; (vi vo made). At X.20.10, Vimada is said to have
composed a hymn in honour of Agni. At X.23.7 his friendship with
Indra is referred to. At X.23.6, a striking hymn is said to have
been composed by the members of the Vimada family (stomam ta
indra vimada ajijanan apurvyarh. . . .). At X.24.4 Asvins are said
to have been adored by Vimada. In the light of this reference to his
connection with Asvins, this Vimada need not be different from the

74. cf. Chapter II. p. 33.

75. For Sakti cf. V.I. Vol. II, p. 348; RV VII.32.26, (Say).

76. V.I Vol. II, p. 303.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

157

Vimada referred to at 1.51.3, 112.9; X.39.7, 65.12,’ 7 as Macdonell
imagines. 78

VIROPA : 79

He appears to be a priest of good reputation, known to Praskanva
as the latter mentions him along with Atri, Angirasas, etc., known
for the efficacy of their invocations. He is said to be offering a good
hymn to Agni at VIII.75.6.

VI&VAMANAS : 80

His hymn to Agni is referred to at VIII.23.2 and to Indra at
VIII.24.7. At VIII.24.23 and 26.11, he is referred to as a son of
Vyasva (see below).

VISVAMITRA : 81

Visvamitra and his family are ascribed the entire collection of
hymns from the third mandala and also a few hymns in the ninth
and the tenth mandalas. It may be noted that excepting in III.33
and 53, the reference is always to the family in plural. At III.33.5,
the poet is pointedly referring to himself as the son of Kusika
ibrhati manisa avasyuravhe kusikasya sunuh). The self conscious¬
ness discernible here is more perceptibly seen at III.53.9 (visvamitro
yadavahat sudasamapriyayata kusikebhirindrah), where he is em¬
phasizing the fact of Indra becoming favourable to Sudas on account
of his help. In a general way, he emphatically states that it was
his hymn that was protecting the Bharata clan (111.53.12, visva-
mitrasya raksati brahmedam bharatarh janam). These remarks
indicate that they are made by a highly self-conscious priest with
his characteristic achievement in view. Visvamitra is very proud
of his being the son of Kusika (vide III.33.5 above) and the refer¬
ences to the family of ‘Kusikas’ are pretty frequent (cf. III.26.1,
29.15, 30.20 etc.). This would indicate that the family has an older
tradition of priestly service. If Vasistha and Visvamitra were con¬
temporaries, the priestly tradition for Visvamitra will have to be
considered as a longer one.

It appears that the Kusika family was known for brilliant
compositions (III.29.15, dyumnavad brahma kusikasa erire. cf. also
III.53.13). Soma-sacrifice and the consequent drinking of soma-
juice are also referred to at III.53.10. But it seems that the regime
of Visvamitra has become so striking in the history of priestly

77. as a protege of Asvins.

78. V.I. Vol. II, p. 304.

79. V.I. Vol. II, p. 304.

80. V.I. Vol. II, p. 309.

81. V.I. Vol. II, pp. 301-12.

82. On ‘sasarparl’—cf. V.I. Vol. II, p. 441; Vel. B.U.J. 1935 p 41 f.n.

158

SACRIFICE IN THE PIGVEDA

service that some later poets have started referring to the family as
that of the Visvamitra (vide III.1.21, 18.4; X.89.17).

For the association of Visvamitra with Jamadagni, cx. X.167.4
(see above) and III.53.15-16, where Jamadagni is said to have given
‘sasarpari’ to him. 82

It my be noted that no member of the family has been referred
to in the hymns of the Rgveda.

VYASVA : 83

He is referred to as a protege of the Asvins at 1.112.15. The
family of Vyasva, to which Visvamanas (see above) is said to have
belonged is referred to at VIII.24.28. The founder of the family, who
seems to have sponsored Asvin worship is referred to along with
other Asvin worshippers, Prthi, 84 Kaksivan etc., at VIII.9.10 and
as an ideal to be emulated at VIII.26.9. Though his compositions
are not known, the Rgvedic poets refer to them. Thus the hymns
to Agni are referred to at VIII.23.23 (abhirvidhemagnaye jye?thabhir-
vyasvavat), hymn or hymns to Asvins at VIII.26.9, to Inclra at VIII.
24.22 and to soma at IX.65.7.

S ARY AT A : 88

He is said to be a ‘manava’ like Nabhavedistha by Anuk, though
not referred to as such in the Rgveda. His priestly service is refer¬
red to at 1.51.12 (saryatasya prabhrta yesu mandase), where Indra
is said to be delighted in his sacrificial food. His well-known soma-
pressing is also referred to at III.51.7 (indra marutva iha pahi somam
yatha saryate apibah sutasya).

SINJARA : 8s

He is merely referred to as a protege of the Asvins at X.40.7
and at VIII.5.25, he is mentioned along with poets like Atri, Kanva
etc., who are well-known as poets and priests.

SYAVASVA : 87

He has a number of hymns to his credit according to Anuk.
He is mentioned by name half a dozen times and from the epithet
‘sunvatah’, appears to be connected with soma-ritual prominently
(cf. VIII.35.19-21, 88 36.7, 38.8). He emulates his ancestor Atri in
his poetic compositions (VHI.35.19, 20; 37.7) and sacrificial perform¬
ances (VIII.35.21). His name is associated with various gods,

83. V.I. Vol. II, p. 336.

84. V.I. Vol. II, p. 16.

85. V.I. Vol. II, p. 375.

86. V.I. Vol. II, p. 378.

87. V.I. Vol. II, p. 400; V.H. I; S.B.E. 32 p. 359; Brhad V.49.

88. Where he is said to have offered the ‘tiroahnya’ soma.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

159

Indragni (VIII.38.8), Savitp (V.81.5), Asvins (VIII.35.19-21) and
Maruts (V.52.1).

He praises his patron ‘Taranta’ at V.61.5 and refers to the gift
of ‘Rathaviti’, to whom he is said to be attached on account of the
soma-ritual (V.61.5) (vide Chapter VIII).

SAMVARANA : 89

Ascribed the authorship of V.33, the poet is referring to himself
as having received gifts from Dhvanya at V.33 (vide Chapter VIII).

SATYASRAVAS : 90

At V.79.1, he is mentioned along with others in the U$as wor¬
ship. In the two following stanzas as well he is referred to as
‘vayya’.

SUMITRA : 91

He is different from Durmitra, who is alternately referred to as
Sumitra at X.105.11. Sumitra and his family appear to be connected
with Vadhryasva and to have helped him in the Agni worship,
sought to be promoted by him (cf. X.69.1, 7, 8). He is credited with
the composition of an Apri hymn (X.70).

STHURAYUPA:

At VIII.23.24, the poet VLsvamanas is said to be worshipping
Agni like Vyasva (his ancestor) and Sthurayupa and as such the
latter appears to have specialised in Agni ritual.

Thus it can be seen that the growth of the sacrifice was due,
to a large extent, to the efforts of the various priests, who were also
the poets of the hymns they were composing for the propitiation
of the divinities. It is not quite clear as to what type of duties these
singer poets were discharging in the sacrificial performances. If
the duties would have been so clearly demarcated and the duties
of different priests so rigidly fixed, we could have come across some
references to that effect in the hymns themselves.

As all the priests were not poets and apparently they were not
—the various priests referred to can be imagined to be professionals
as Hillebrandt 92 has done. He tries to see references to them in
1.125.1-4 and IV.24.10. 93 The family tradition indicated above would
show that a large number of people had apparently taken to sacri-

89. V I. Vol. II, p. 413.

90. op. cit. p. 420.

91. V.I. Vo!. II, p. 457.

92. VMH. Vol. I, p. 146; V.I. Vol. II, p. 77.

93. For interpretation about the sale of Indra cf. Velankar B.TJ.J. 1938 (p. 52 f.n.).
cf. also VIII. 1.5 mahe ca na para sulkaya deyarh, which can rightly be construed
as an expression of devotion towards the divinity, cf. also RBV.

100

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

ficial performances, but we do not come across any references to
specific duties being assigned and carried out by certain groups of
persons, who could thus be designated as professionals. At II.20.3
(yah samsantam yah sasamanamuti pacantam stuvantarh ca pranesat),
Hillebrandt sees reference to well-marked duties 94 of different cate¬
gories of priests and as such infers the Rgvedic ritual to be a ‘deve¬
loped ritual’. It should be noted however that the distinctive nature
of the activities is not quite clear here.

The references to Daksina (Chapter V) would also indicate that
the idea of specific remuneration for the performance of certain
duties connected with the sacrifice did not exist at the time. The
gifts varied according to the ability of the patrons and were not
dependent on the type of performance. In a strict sense therefore
the priests could not be said to be profssionals in the field of sacrifice.

The idea of professionalism is linked up with the developed
form of ritual. If the latter is taken for granted, it would lead to the
inference about the former. Hillebrandt had an idea of a developed
form of ritual in his mind as it becomes clear by his attempt to
explain some of the hymns in the light of the later ritual 95 and his
view about the purchase of soma. 96 He is aware of the fact that
it is not referred to in the Rgveda; but its wide prevalence in the
later ritual has made him remark “the silence can be explained by
the fact that the hymns are composed for a sacramental purpose
and there was no possibility to think of a worldly transaction.” It
can be seen that this is hardly convincing.

We come across the mention of a number of categories of priests
and this has led most of the scholars to imagine that the sacrifice
must have become elaborate even in the days of the Rgveda. It
should however be remembered that this need not be so unless we
presume all the duties of those priests in the later ritual to have
existed even in the early hymns. Even taking the case of the ‘hotr’
priest, we cannot say that he did all the duties ascribed to him in
the later ritual right from the beginning. His duties have come
to be evolved in course of time and so too it must have happened
in the case of the other priests, mentioned in the hymns of the
Rgveda. If we could have got a correct picture about the evolution
of the various classes of priests in the Rgveda, we would have got
full material to determine the various stages of the growth of the
sacrifice. It is for this reason therefore that we ought to take into
account the growth of the different categories of priests as referred
to in the hymns of the Rgveda.

94. VMH Vol. I, p. 11.

95. VMH Vol. I, p. 259; cf. Chapter I above.

96. Op. cit. p. 69.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

161

RTVIJ : 97

Derived from rtu-fyaj, the word appears to be used in the sense
of the priest offering worship at stated intervals, at a fairly late stage
of the Rgvedie sacrifice as is indicated by reference to him in only
about seventeen passages in the Rgveda. The word appears to have
originated with Agni in the sacrifice kindled at fixed intervals, to
whom also it is applied in most of the passages, where he is referred
to as the ‘rtvij’ of the sacrifice’. (I. 1.1, 44.11; X.7.5, 21.7). He is
also referred to as ‘hotr’ at 1.1.1, 45.7, VIII.44.6) and as such is said
to be laid down in a sacrifice (V.22.2, 28.7). With the priesthood
of Agni in view, Indragni are also referred to as ‘rtvija’ at VIII.38.1.
Agni is said to be the ‘eighth rtvij’ (X.114.9) in addition to the seven
priests of the later ritual (IX.114.3).

HOTR : 98

Hotr is apparently the oldest of the priests. It was he who
used to invoke the gods by reciting the hymns and make offerings
to them. In fact we can imagine the earliest stage of the sacrifice,
when he was the only priest of the sacrifice. Being the earliest one,
he came to occupy an important place in the system of sacrifice.
He thus could be considered to be the best of them (ayajistha at
X.2.1). It was through him that the gods could be propitiated and
as a similar part was played by Agni, be also came to be called a
‘hotr’. The two came to be linked up together in the Apri hymns
and came to be designated as ‘the Divine Hotrs’ 99 like rtvij. The
term ‘hotr’ is also used in the sense of a priest in general, particularly
when the priests are said to be five (11.34.14) 100 or seven (X.35.10;
61.1, etc.). 101

Offerings which were given to the gods by the hotrs were placed
in fire and hence such offerings appear to have come to be known
as ‘hotra’ (1.36.7, 122.9 etc.). 102 Certain hymns as they used to be
recited in the beginning by the ‘hotr’ came to be designated as ‘hotra
(vide Chapter II. p. 30). As Agni knows the offerings as well as
the hymns, he comes to be called ‘hotravid’ (V.8.3) and ‘hotravah
(V.26.7). At two places the names of the seven priests have been
specified (II.1.2; X.91.10) as ‘hotr’, ‘potr’, nestr’, ‘agnidh’, ‘prasastr’,
‘adhvaryu’ and ‘brahman’. It will be noticed that the Udgatr of the
later days is absent from the list. It is therefore not correct to
identify the duties of some of these priests with those of his name¬
sake in the later days. The names of these priests apparently signify

97. V.I. Vol. I, p. 112.

98. V.I. Vol. II, p. 508.

99. AITR. B.U.J. 1945-6; cf. also X.65.10. .

100. Perhaps they are hotr, potr, agnTdhra, brahman and prasastr referred to
in 11.36.

101. V.H. Vol. I, S.B.E. 32 p. 252.

102. At X.15.9 Pitrs are said to be ‘hotravidah’.

S.R.—11

162

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

some broad duties and not their relative position in the sacrifice
as in the later days. Just as the Udgatr came to be associated with
the worship later but came to occupy an important position with
the rise in importance of the Samaveda and the introduction of the
ritual based on the three Vedas and the three priests, so too the
relative position and the nature of the duty of the priest must have
undergone changes in the course of the evolution of the ritual. 103

It appears to have become customary at a later stage to choose
the hotr priest for the sacrifice and establish him ceremoniously
at the place of sacrifice (X.21.1). At X.176.3, he is referred to
as taken to the place of sacrifice, tcf. also IV.15.1) and established
there. Devapi is thus said to be taking his place as ‘hotr’ (X.98.5).
For the idea of hotr priest to be established, cf. III.9.9, 19.5; V.4.3;
VII.73.2; X.7.5, etc. It is indicated at X.11.3 (yadlmusantamusatamanu
kratum) that both the parties must be willing for such an assign¬
ment. The ceremony with which the gods are said to have esta¬
blished Agni as hotr at X.52.6, is possibly indicative of a similar
ceremony with which the mortal hotr was also established. Very
possibly a seat was earmarked for him at the place of sacrifice as
indicated at II.9.1 (hotrsadana). He is however referred to as
moving about the sacrificial fire for the discharge of his duties (cf.
VII.1.16, 23, pari yameti adhvaresu hota, 1.173.3). It is indicated
at III.14.5, that he would put the offerings in fire with his hands
raised.

Agni’s request to Visvedevas at X.52.1 to give him instructions
regarding his duties would indicate that after his election (hota
vrtah) and his taking the seat (nisadya), the hotr priest could receive
certain suggestions regarding some of the aspects of the procedure.
As indicated at X.52.2, he would choose the Adhvaryu priest and
instruct him. At X.52.3, an objection 104 raised against the choice
of the hotr priest by the gods is answered by pointing out the grounds
for his choice. This would indicate that certain criterion used to be
followed regarding the choice of the hotr priest. It would be his
previous experience as indicated here.

His place of importance in the system of sacrifice can be said
to have been immortalised by the association of the word hotr with
Agni. In later days however the place of importance went to
‘Brahman’, though the latter had not much actual work in the
beginning. It is possible that sometime the duty of the ‘Brahman’
was done by the ‘hotr’ himself and at times he used to act as Puro-
hita, another office which came to be introduced in course of time.

103. cf. II.20.3 referred to above.

104. The hotrship of Agni is objected on the ground of his relation with yama

(ayarh yo hota kila so yamasya) and the oblations to Pitrs that he carries.

The reply indicates how he is also connected with the sacrifice of the gods

(ahar ahar jayate masi masi ; atha deva dadhire havyavaham).

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

163

It was not anyway distinction in duty but the place of honour that
marks the difference between the hotr, the brahman and the purohita.

In the beginning, his duty apparently was to look after the
entire performance but afterwards he appears to have come to be
associated with the ‘adhvaryu’ whose office was introduced to look
after mainly the actual performance. This transition to the two-
priests-stage is indicated at III.35.10 (adhvaryorva prayatam sakra
hastat, hoturva yajham havi§o jusasva), where alternation is refer¬
red to and at III.53.3 (sarhsavadhvaryo prati me grnihindraya vanah
krnavava justam), where the worship is said to be jointly offered
by the two. This would indicate how there was no idea of supe¬
riority in the status of the one or the other.

ADHVARYU : 105

As the derivation indicates 106 the office appears to be introduced
to look after the details of the performance in association with the
hotr priest. As pointed out by Haug, 107 these two priests have
continued in the Avesta ritual as Zaotr and Rathwi and it can be
inferred that the Avesta ritual parted company with the Rgveda
ritual at this stage.

The reference to Agni —jwho has been chosen as hotr
(X.52.2) — asking Asvins to work as Adhvaryus (op. cit.) probably
indicates that the Adhvaryus at some stage, were chosen by the hotrs.

Adhvaryus are said to be scattering the barhis grass and pour¬
ing certain oblations in fire (VII.2.4). In most of the passages,
however, they are associated with the pressing and offering of soma,
possibly indicating that it was mainly for the purposes of a soma-
ritual 108 that the office of Adhvaryu came to be introduced. That
is perhaps the reason why the Adhvaryus are referred to as many,
the number of the persons assisting depending upon the amount
of soma-juice to be pressed. Five Adhvaryus 109 referred to at
III.7.7 may indicate the number of those priests moving about in
the place of sacrifice.

They are said to be working for the preparation of the soma-
juice in general (VI.44.3; VIII.4.11, 13; X.30.15, ‘adhvaryavah sunuta
indraya somam’). At V.31.12, they are referred to as operating
the pressing stone for the purpose. For their skill, they are referred
to as ‘suhasta’ at IX.97.37, X.30.2, 41.3. They are also said to be
pouring the soma-juice, pressed out by the stones, on the strainer

105. V.I. Vol. I, p. 21; ASL p. 258; VMH Vol. Ill, 423; ABI pp. 13-18.

106. from a + dhvar ‘to be defective’—so one who ensures the perfection in the

performance.

107. ABI p. 13.

108. cf. also potr, gravagrabh below.

109. VMH Vol. ill, p. 423.

104

SACRIFICE IN THE JtGVEDA

and purifying it (IX.51.1, adribhih sutam somam pavitra asrja).
After it is ready, they are said to be offering it to the gods (VI.42.4;
VII.92.2; 98.1, dugdhamamsum juhotana; VIII.24.16; 32.24). For
their multiple relationship with soma, they have come to be desig¬
nated as ‘madhupani’ (X.41.3). For this important role in the actual
work, they are given a leading place in the sacrificial performance
and as such are referred to as ‘rathirasah’ (IX.97.37).

UDGATR:

The word is referred to only once in the Rgveda and signifies
a priest singing the saman hymn (II.43.2, udgateva sakune sama
gayasi). The solitary mention of the term is significant and indi¬
cates that the office came to be introduced pretty late and that the
priest was not known by the name in the beginning. The list of
seven priests at II.1.2 and X.91.10, does not include the ‘udgatr’
priest. Though the reference to ‘saman’ hymns is frequent, 110 the
name of the udgatr is not associated with them except at II.43.2,
indicating that the singing of the saman hymns was done by some
other priest or that the person doing it was known by some other
name. Thus ‘samabhrt’ is referred to at VII.33.14 and at V.54.14,
‘samavipra’ is said to be protected by Maruts, they also being singers.

BRAHMAN i 111

The priest brahman referred to in the Rgvedic hymns does not
appear to have acquired the position of the superintending priest,
which he did in the later ritual. Oldenberg thinks that the brahman
priest is not referred to in the Rgveda at all, the word signifying
merely a ‘priest’. It however appears that the office of the priest
had come to be introduced in the Rgvedic sacrifice, perhaps merely
with a view to do some honour to a person. Occasionally he is said
to be singing (1.80.1, 164.34; II.2.6; VI.45.7), but that does not appear
to be either a strenuous or regular duty in a sacrificial performance.
A sacrificial vessel is referred to as ‘brahmana’ at 1.15.5 and II.36.5,
from which Indra is said to be drinking the soma-juice.

As the ritual has not become very much complicated nor rigid,
Brahma does not appear to have much work in the sacrifice and
hence his idleness is referred to at VIII.92.30 (mo su brahmeva
tandrayurbhuvah), where Indra is asked to enjoy the soma-juice
and not be merely lazy like the brahman priest. The reference at
IV.58.2 (upa brahma srunavacchasyamanam) may indicate that some
time, brahma was merely to listen to a hymn being sung (and watch
whether it was rightly done). There is no reason why he should be

110. Vide Chapter II, p. 32.

111. ASL p. 260; RPV p. 253; ABI pp. 20-21; V.I. Vol. II, p. 77; RVO 396, 7.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

165

considered as identical with brahmanacchamisin of the later ritual
as Macdonell, Keith and Dr. Deshmukh do. 112

PUROHITA ;i 13

Like .hotr, ‘purohita’ is mentioned very frequently and the
epithet is being associated with Agni as being the foremost in the
sacrifice, fcf. V.11.2; X.150.4, ‘prathamah purohitah’ at at 1.102.8
even as ‘janusa purohitah’). The priestly service in general has
come to be referred to as ‘purohitih’ at a few places (VII.60.12, 61.7,
83.4; X.70.7). As Agni is referred to as ‘hotr’ and ‘purohita’ simul¬
taneously (cf. 1.1.1; III.3.2; V.11.2), it appears that the hotr, with
his important place in the sacrifice could be considered as a ‘purohita’.
The idea of having the office of a purohita must be comparatively
later.

At VI.47.24, a Bharadvaja poet is referring to separate gifts
obtained for the Atharvan priests and Payu, who had apparently
helped him in the sacrifice. Thus the performance of a joint sacrifice
by different patrons, where a number of priests would be officiating
and one of them would be chosen as the leader, seems to have given
rise to the idea of a ‘purohita’ among those priests. Even in the
same family the chief would be the leader, followed by his family
members as his assistants as indicated by the ‘purohiti’ of the
Vasisthas referred to above. Thus the office of the ‘purohita’ seems
to have been introduced to facilitate the performances of quantita¬
tively bigger rites and not the qualitatively bigger (or complicated)
rites. This is also recognised by Max Muller who writes (p. 258)
“The original institution of a purohita as a spiritual adviser
of a king or a chief need not be regarded as the sign of a far advanced
hierarchical system.” Oldenberg’s opinion 114 regarding the office
of the purohita, not being the creator of the power of priesthood,
appears to be quite understandable in this context, particularly as
the convenience of the performance was the dominating idea in the
introduction thereof.

In the Rgveda, only Devapi (at X.98.7) and Vasistha (at X.150.5)
are referred to as ‘purohita’. At X.98.7 (yaddevapih santanave
purohito hotraya vrtah), Devapi is said to be chosen as purohita to
do the duties of the hotr, indicating that the origin of the office had
no idea of distinction in duty as its basis. The same is indicated
by Agni and other gods like Surya being referred to as ‘purohita'
(VIII.101.12), as they stand foremost among their groups as purohita
among the priests.

112. Vide RVL p. 342.

113. V I. Vol. II, pp. 5-8; ASL pp. 256-258; RVL p. 156; RVO pp. 380-83.

114. cf. op. cit. p. 156. Dr. Deshmukh agrees with him.

166

SACRIFICE IN THE ftGVEDA

POTFi : 115

As Macdonell imagines, the duty of the priest was to purify
the soma juice. With his purifying ability in view, Agni’s duty is
said to be that of the potr priest (tava potram at 1.76.4, II.1.2, X.2.2,
91.10). With the same point in view, Agni is referred to as ‘pota’
(at 1.94.6, II.5.2, IV.9.3, VIII.16.5) and soma at IX.67.22. As
Adhvaryu used to do the duty of purifying the soma juice (see above)
the office seems to be introduced to relieve him of a part of his duty.

The vessel in which soma-juice was specifically offered to
Maruts and Dravinodas is referred to as ‘potra’ at 1.15.2, II.36.2,
37.2, 4).

PRASASTR : 116

Agni is referred to as ‘prasastr’ at 1.94.6, II.5.4 and the duty of
the priest is said to belong to Agni at II.1.2 and X.91.10. He appears
to be associated with the soma ritual as his vessel is referred to at
II.36.6 (prasastra), from which Mitravaruna are to drink the soma
juice. At 11.36.4, Agni is requested to drink soma from the cup of
‘Agnidh’, Indra, from the cup of ‘brahman’ and ‘rajana’ (i.e., Mitra-
varuna) from the cup of ‘prasastr’. Thus the duties of different
priests appear to be to give offerings to different divinities in a joint
sacrifice. Haug identifies him with Maitravarupa of the later days.
The transition from the one to the other however presupposes a
process of elaboration of duties in course of time.

AVAYAJ :

A priest mentioned in the Asvamedha sacrifice (1.162.5).
Haug 117 identifies him with ‘pratiprasthatr’ of the later ritual
without any reasons. The evidence from the Rgveda does not sub¬
stantiate the conjecture.

AGNIMINDH : 118

Like Avayaj, he is referred to at 1.162.5 only. No details are
known about his duty though it is apparently to kindle the fire as
indicated at X.41.3, where as ‘agnidh’, he is said to be ‘dhrtadaksa’,
indicating the possession of strength required for kindling the fire
from the Aranis. From a vessel named after him (agnldhra), Agni
is said to be offered the soma-juice. He appears to be the same as
‘agnidh’ referred to at II.1.2 and X.91.10, with whom fire is identified.

115. V.I. Vol. II, p. 24.

116. V.I. Vol. II, p. 41; ABI p. 16.

117. ABI pp. 13-14.

118. ABI pp. 15-16.

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

167

GRAVAGRABH:" 3

He also is mentioned at 1.162.5 only. He was apparently meant
to help actively in operating the pressing stones, a duty done by
Adhvaryus in the beginning. It is only in the later ritual that the
pressing-stone operator came to be specifically so designated.

NE$TR : 120

Agni is referred to as ‘nestr’ at 1.15.3 and II.5.5. His duty is
identified with that of Agni at II.1.2 and X.91.10. A vessel assigned
to him (called ne$tra), through which Dravinodas is offered soma-
juice is referred to at 1.15.9, II.37.3, 4.

UPAVAKTR:

Derived from the root upa+vae, the word appears to signify
a person, who would offer praises from near (the altar). Thus Agni
is said to be ‘upavakya’ (fit to be prayed) at X.69.12. Indra is said
to be ‘upavacya’ at 1.132.2 and Savitr at IV.54.1. Bhrgus are said
to have offered worship with homage at 1.127.7. The duty implied
is apparently the same as performed by the hotr priest as is clear
from V.49.4 (upa yad voce adhvarasya hota). The noun ‘upavaka’
appears to be used in the sense of worship in general (1.164.8,
namasvanta upavakamlyuh).

Thus ‘upavakta’ appears to be the priest in charge of the per¬
formance in general, who was in a position to direct the sacrificial
activity. It is for this reason that Agni is said to be ‘upavakta’ at
IV.9.5 (adhvariyatamupavakta jananarh). At VI.71.5, 121 Savitr is
compared with ‘upavaktr’ in respect of his hands raised up for direct¬
ing the activity and the utterance of the orders is referred to at
IX.95.5 (isyan vacamupavakteva hotuh). In the latter passage, he
is referred to as distinct from the ‘hotr’. Geldner 122 takes the word
to refer to ‘prasastr’, the assistant of the hotr in later days. Mac-
donell 123 identifies him with Maitravaruna of later days. Anyway,
the word indicates that the designations of posts with duties were not
finally fixed and the duty assigned to ‘upavaktr’ roughly indicates
a transition to the stage of a priest like brahman or ‘purohita’.

Thus it will be observed that the class of the priests was in a
process of formation as the sacrifice was gradually growing. The
priests, by virtue of their position as the brains behind and the
operators of the sacrifice have had a unique role to play in the
origin and the growth of the sacrifice.

119. op. cit.

120. V.I. Vol. p. 459; V.H. Part II. S.B.E. Vol. 46. p. 208.

121. Vide Chapter XII, D.

122. Der Rigveda Vol. I, p 430, 11.174. and III. p. 91

123. ERE XII p. 611.

168

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

We can observe some broad stages by which the class of the
priests lias evolved. Thus, in the beginning of the sacrifice, there
must have been only one priest, doing all that was required for a
simple performance. Another stage is marked by the introduction
of Adhvaryu, possibly for the purpose of a soma-sacrifice as indi¬
cated above. Still at this stage the idea of the superiority of the
position of the one or the other does not seem to have come into
existence as indicated by II.16.5, where both of them are referred
to as ‘vrsana adhvaryu’. It may be noted that in the Apri hymns
also only the hotr and the adhvaryu have been referred to. 124 The
third stage seems to have been indicated by the introduction of other
priests, whose designations have not been fixed. The assignment
of separate designations may have been necessitated partly by the
growing duties in the performances and partly by the requirement
of the joint performances as indicated above. This quantitative
growth of the performance appears to have necessitated the intro¬
duction of a head priest like the ‘brahma’ or ‘purohita’. The pheno¬
menon of Visvamitra and Vasistha having been the official priests
of the Bharatas indicates that the point was decided on merit, the
princes still having the control of the sacrifice in their hands by
having the right of choice.

The introduction of offices like those of upavaktr, prasastr,
brahma and purohita would mark the fourth stage, when the control
of the priests over the sacrificial performance appears to have come
be gradually defined. Thus the over-all picture about the evolution
of the class of the priests leaves the impression about the process of
growth of the idea and practice of sacrifice still going on and not
having attained its end.

124. it is therefore that in the Avesta, where the Apri ritual has been carried
(Afringans), only two corresponding priests are referred to. This further
supports the conjecture above that Avesta ritual appears to have parted
company with the Rgveda ritual at the two-priest stage.

Chapter Eight

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS TO THE
GROWTH OF THE SACRIFICE

=tt fwfetWi'r i

II (RV VIII. 5.0)

PT snft 1 ?: ^sIciTO: I (iiV I. 125.7)

SYNOPSIS :

Prayer for liberal patrons, indicating their importance—respectful attitude of
the poets—intelligent experiment of mutual co-operation in the sphere of social
behaviour—connecting link, sacrifice—classes on the principle of division of labour
—class consciousness with understanding of limitations—gifts asked for patrons
as well as themselves—employment of the words maghavan and suri—Aryan and
non-Aryan patrons—maghavan and suri distinguished—sacrifice as measuring rod
of progressiveness—growth helped by individuals and groups—

Groups—particular tribes—Jahnus, worshippers of Asvins—Bharata s support
for Agni ritual—a number of generations of Bharata’s—Vadhryasva, possibly the
originator of Agni-cult—Divodasa, a keen soma-sacrificer—stimulating the cult—
Sudas—some outstanding performances—

Pancajanas—their connection with Agni and Indra—a general reference to
sacrificing peeple though referring to certain tribes in the beginning—Five
tribes mentioned at 1.108.8 considered—yadus—their descendants—Indra-worship—
Turvasas—enthusiasm about sacrifice—their overthrow—Druhyus—along with Anus
and Turvasas worshippers of Asvins—Anus, members of the family—Purus—a
powerful race—their family tradition regarding sacrifice—some individuals opposing
—their residence—Purukutsa, Trasadasyu etc.—smaller clans—Srnjayas—their
family—Rusamas with Rnancaya—other individual sacrificers—some petty chiefs
undertaking joint performances—Kuruhga and divisji—Citra, Cyavatana etc.—
sacrifice stressed as standard of Aryan way of life—

Sacrificers variously referred to—Aryan sacrificers contrasted with non-Aryan
non-sacrificers—soma sacrifice, a variety of epithets—liberality of patrons—patrons
glorified with respectful admiration, gratitude and affection—well-balanced classes
—co-operation, leading to prosperity—

In a characteristic prayer, a poet belonging to the Grtsamada
family is praying that he should not come across the want of a good
liberal patron (11.2811, maham maghono varuna priasya bhuridavna
avidam sunamapeh I). 1 Though the prayer may indicate the desire
of the poet to be in possession of ample wealth always (c, ma rayo
rajan tsuyamadava stham j), it points out the importance attached to

1. The line is repeated in the hymns II. 27, 28, 29. though the hymns 27 and 29
are addressed to Adityas and Visvcdevas respectively, indicating that the three
hymns are a character'stic comuosition of a poet from the Grtsamada family.
For the moaning of the word suna cf. VII.1.11 (ma sune agne ni?adama
nrnam).

170

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

the class of patrons in the sacrifice. The sacrifice has grown to its
later proportions, principally on account of the support it received
from rich and liberal patrons. It is true that the patrons too stood
to gain by the sacrifice; still the poets appear to be stressing the
importance of the patrons during the different stages of sacrifice
in the Rgveda. In fact, the system of sacrifice marks the early stages
of the co-operative experiment that had been set up by the intelli-
gentia in the social structure of the time, though co-operation on a
smaller scale and in a limited sphere of activity must have been
known earlier. It is for this reason that the poets are pretty
frequently wishing prosperity both for themselves, as well as their
patrons jointly (cf. 1.136.7,... .tadasyamo maghavana vayam cal)
cf. also I. 140.12; II.2.11; V.65.6; VI.10.5, 46.9; VII.3.8, 8.7; IX.20.4,
98.12; X.115.5.

Even as the sacrifice formed the connecting link of mutual
obligation between the human beings on the one hand and the gods
on the other as indicated in the Gita (III. 11), so too it became the
connecting link between the patrons on the one hand and the priests
on the other.

In a slightly different sense, however, the sacrifice can be looked
upon as the wedge that came to separate the two classes from each
other in the course of time. The idea of ‘classes’ in the social orga¬
nism apparently came to be introduced with the early growth of
the sacrifice based on the sound principle of the division of labour
in social undertaking. As the sacrifice grew in importance, the two
classes became more and more defined in their individualistic exist¬
ence and status. It is true that in any society, when the duties of
different people become more and more well-defined, the introduc¬
tion of a class-system becomes inevitable. In the days of the Rgveda,
the sacrifice has merely become instrumental in bringing into
existence these two classes, which apparently have continued in a
fairly mobile state of existence for a pretty long time. It would
appear that the two classes continued to feel their interests inter¬
linked for a pretty long time, with necessary appreciation of
individual limitations, as the above passages would amply indicate. 2

A majority of the passages indicate an attitude of humility
towards the patrons, not only because their gifts depended upon
them but also because they appreciated the hazards of the situation
faced by the patrons in fighting the battles, necessary for winning
the prosperity they desired. In course of time however, when there
was greater stability in the social structure and more of peaceful
life, the performances of sacrifice became more elaborate and the
scale of importance turned in favour of the class of the priests. In

2. cf. also 1.141.13 for an indication of the desirability of co-operative effort,
ami ca ye maghavano vayam ca miham na suro ati ni^tatanyuh I).

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

171

the days of the Rgveda however, the social structure has remained
less complicated, the sacrifice also has not grown in its extent of
elaboration to its later proportions.

Thus we find the poets asking gifts for their patrons from the
divinities and expecting gifts from their patrons. At places only
the gifts are directly expected from the divinities but there too the
underlying idea being that they can come through the sacrifices
which are being performed under the patronage of the sacrificers.

Thus the divinities are asked to give food to the patrons (1.73.5;
VII.8.7; VIII.24.6); wealth (1.77.4, 124.10, VI.10.5, VII.5.9, 16.9,
IX.20.4); shelter, protection and fame (II.2.12, VI.46.9, VII.32.7,
VII.74.5, VIII.13.12, 60.6, X.22.15, 115.5, etc.); vital power (1.93.12;
VII.58.3); royal glory (V.10.6, VI.8.6; VII.95.3). They are requested
to shine upon the patrons and prosper (1.140.10, 141.13; VII.18.21);
to keep them away from injuries (II.33.4); to love them and grant
long life (1.73.5, 73.9, 125.7; VII.67.10, X.147.3).

The words ‘maghavan’ and ‘suri’ are ordinarily used in the
sense of liberal patrons. Sometimes the word ‘maghavan’ is used
as an adjective of the Suris (II.6.4, sa bodhi surirmaghava; X.81.6).
At VIII.10.4, it is indicated that there were some non-Aryan wor¬
shippers of the Asvina (yayoradhi pra yajna asure santi surayah). 3
At VIII.5.31, Asvins are said to be coming to the Aryans from their
non-Aryan worshippers (a vahethe parakat purvih asnantau asvina |
iso dasiramartya). This may indicate that some of the non-Aryans
were converted to Aryan mode of worship or that some of the divi¬
nities were common to the worship of both the Aryans and non-
Aryans.

At two or three places however, some sort of distinction is
sought to be drawn between them by their separate mention. Thus
at 1.73.5 (vi prkso agne maghavano aiyur vi surayo dadato visva-
mayuh |), where the repetition of the preposition ‘vi’ clearly indi¬
cates maghavans and suris as separate categories. It may be noted
that in the passages where food is expected, the word ‘maghavan’
is used; and where long life is expected (1.73.9, 125.7; VII.67.10,
69.8), the word ‘suri’ is used. It may be pure accident but about
the separate character of the two, there can be no doubt. At VII. 16.7
(tve agne svahuta priyasah santu surayah | yantaro ye maghavano
jananamurvan dayanta gonarh i') the independent character is not
so obvious. At X.61.22, however, (raksa ca no maghonah pahi surin),
the use of two independent synonymous words to convey the idea of
protection leaves no doubt about their independent character, though

3. Vide Chapter VIII; Say. explains ‘asure' as ‘stotrrahite’. The word is used
only once in the RV. At V.32.6, ‘asurya’ is adjective of tamas’ and ‘asure’
appears to refer to non-Aryans (cf. ‘Kr^nam tvacam’ at 1.130.8 and dasarii
varnam II.12.4).

172

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

it is not clear what the distinction exacly is. Derivatively, ‘suris’
from svar) may be predominantly said to be characterised by their
power or glory and maghavans (magha—mahh) by their outstanding
generosity.

Regarding the gifts which are received from the patrons, some¬
times, they are said to be inspired by the divinties (1.48.2, VII.96.2,
IX.1.3). Occasionally the credit is given to the will of the patrons
(II.2.13, VII.67.9). Some of these outstanding gifts have come to
be specifically mentioned and glorified in hymns. 4

It will thus be realised that the interests of both the sections,
that were gradually emerging into existence were intimately con¬
nected with the sacrifice and as such the sacrifice was also gathering
strength day by day. Whatever may be the idea of progressive
spirit that the Aryans had in their mind in designating themselves
as ‘arya’ as contrasted with the others whom they styled as ‘anarya’,
it becomes clear that in the course of time, the sacrifice became the
measuring rod for the progressiveness of spirit as conceived by them.
Thus the Dasas, the dasyus and the Panis are to be struck down
to the lowliest depth because they were non-sacrificers. It is for
this reason that, while pointing out the characteristic deeds of Indra,
the poet of 11.12 refers to him as having extended protection to the
sacrificers (v.6, yuktagravpo yo avita sutasomasya; v.15, sunvate
pacate dudhra a cit; v.14, yah sunvantamavati) and having subdued
the Dasas (v.4b, yo dasam varnamadharam guha kah). The con¬
trast between the Aryans and the Dasas is made clearer at 1.51.8
(vijanihi aryan ye ca dasyavah—barhismate randhayavratan—saki
bhava yajamanasya codita), where Indra is requested to be a staunch
inspirer of the sacrificing Aryans against the non-sacrificing Dasyus.
Panis are also referred to as struck down because of their non-sacri¬
ficing attitude (VII.6.3, panlnrasraddhah.ayajnan.purvas-

cakara aparan ayajyun). 5

In this way, when sacrifice was gaining in importance, a number
of groups or sections among the people appear to have taken them¬
selves enthusiastically to the cult and given it a great impetus.
There is a general mention of this section of the society at a number
of places. Thus Agni is said to belong to them at 1.36.1 (yavham... .
visam devayatinam). The Aryan tribe is said to be attending upon
Agni for sacrifice at 1.77.3 ,tam medhesu prathamarh devayantirvisa
upa bruvate dasmamarlh ')• Asvins are said to be going to them
at VII.69.2 (viso yena gacchatho devayantih... ,). 6

The tribe of Jahnus appears to have similarly distinguished
itself particularly in the Asvina worship as at both the places, they

4. Vide—Danastutis in Chapter XI; cf. also Chapter IV.

5. Vide ‘non-sacrificers’ in Chapter IX.

6. cf. also 11.63, X.11.4, 41.3.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

173

are referred to, they are associated with Asvins only (cf. III.58.6,
‘puranamokah sakhyam sivam vam, yuvornara dravinam janha-
vyam’, indicates the association with a long tradition; and 1.116.19,
‘a janhavim samanasopavajaistriranho bhagarh dadhatimayataih’,
indicates the charcteristic (savana) offerings of the tribe thrice a
day.) 7 This may further indicate how certain sections and groups
in the society had come to specialise in a particular mode of worship
of a particular divinity.

BHARATAS : 8

Bharatas appear to have played a significant role in the evolu¬
tion of the sacrifice. Their connection with Agni worship appears
to be so intimate that Agni is said to be shining brightly for them
(V.ll.l, dyumad vibhati bharatebhyah sucih). Agni is said to belong
to them (VII.8.4, pra pra ayarh bharatasya agnih). ‘Bharata’ has
become an epithet of Agni (II.7.1, 5; IV.25.4, VI.16.19, 45). Bharatl
possibly indicates the chief family deity of the Bharatas on account
of some distinctive mode of worship evolved by them as illustrated
in the Apr! hymns. 9

At III.33.il, 12, Visvamitra is referred to as helping them in
crossing the confluence of Vipat and Sutudri, when they were out
on an expedition (atarisurbharata gavyavah). The importance of
the tribe in the sacrifice, which they helped to grow on account of
their association with Visvamitra has been described in a characte¬
ristically proud expression on his part (III.53.12, visvamitrasya
raksati brahmedam bharatam janam). 10 Later on when Vasi^tha
became their priest, they had possibly grown weaker in their politi¬
cal power as suggested at VII.33.6 (dan$a ived go’janasa asan
paricchinna bharata arbhakasah). The priestly service of Vasistha
however is said to have changed the situation and helped them to
be restored to glory (op.cit. abhavacca pura eta vasistha adittrtsunam
viso a prathanta; cf. also VII.83.4).

Like the Purus, the Bharatas are also said to be residing on the
banks of the river Saraswati (III.23.4, saraswatyam revadagne
didlhi). Though some of the Puru kings are referred to as being on
inimical terms with some of the Bharatas, 1.63.7, VII.18.13, Indra
is referred as having helped both of them indicating how both the
clans were observing Indra worship enthusiastically. Both the
families were associated with the Visvamitra and Vasistha.

Generations of the Bharatas, mentioned in the Rgveda appear
to have consistently carried on the cult of sacrifice, whatever their

7. cf. under ‘savana’ Chapter V, pp. 105-8.

8. V.I. Vol. II. 94-97; Ved. Stu. 11.136; VMH Vol. 1.111.

9. AHR. B.U.J. 1946 pp. 32-33.

10. Vide Chapter VII under ‘Visvamitra’.

174

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

political status. At VI.61.1, Saraswati is said to have given Divod&sa
(as a son) to Vadhryasva. It may be on account of this incident that
the later generations took to the cult of the sacrifice more enthusiasti¬
cally. This Vadhryasva is also mentioned at X.69, where too his
close association with sacrifice is indicated. Perhaps it was he who
introduced the tradition of sacrifice in the family as indicated by the
reference to his kindling the fire first at X.69.4 and by reference to
Agni as a child in his lap at X.69.10. He is said to have done it in
ancient days (X.69.12,. . . .sanakat preddhah). It is for this reason
that Agni is said to belong to him and his leadership in that regard
praised (X.69.1, bhadra agnervadhryasvasya samdrso, vami pranitih
....). His characteristic ghrta offering is indicated at X.69.2, which
is said to have led to prosperity (vardhanam).

Like his father, Divodasa was also a keen follower of the fire-
ritual. Thus fire is said to belong to him (VIII.103.2, daivodaso
agnih) and to Bharatas through him at VI.16.19 (agniragami bhara-
tah... divodasasya satpatih). That he was a soma-sacrificer is made
clear at VI.16.5 (divodasaya sunvate) and by reference to his having
received help from Indra on account of soma offered by him (1.53.10,
II.14.7, VI.18.13, VI.31.4, VI.47.22, VII.19.8, VIII.53.2). His con¬
nection with Indra, Agni and Maruts is referred to at VII.18.25
(divodasam na pitaram sudasafi), though no Danastuti appears in
his honour. His close association with Bharadvajas is indicated at a
number of places, where the help he received along with them from
the Asvins is referred to (1.112.13, 14, 116.18). He appears to have
stimulated the cult of Indra-worship among his followers, who are
referred to by his name at 1.130.10 (divodasebhih stavana indrah),
though he is referred to as a Bharata (VI.16.4).

SUDAS : 11

Though the father of Sudas (Pijavana, VII.18.22, 23, 25), may
have continued the tradition of sacrifice, nothing is known about
him. Sudas has the unique position of being associated with two
great priestly families of high sacrificial traditions. Thus at III.
53.9-11, 12 , Indra is said to be helping Sudas on account of the
priestly help of Visvamitra (visvamitro yadavahat sudasamapriya-
yata. . . .), which consisted of a soma-sacrifice as indicated at III.53.10
(. . . .adhvare sute saca). In an equally emphatic statement, Indra
is said to have helped him on account of the help of Vasi$thah (VII.
33.3, evennu dasarajne sudasam pravadindro brahmana vo vasisthah;
cf. also VII.18.17, VII.19.3, VII.20.2, 60.9, 83.1.4, etc.)’. This triumph
of Vasistha family is being described in a reminiscent mood by a
later poet, who also describes how the family’s invocation has brought

11. V.I. Vol. II, p. 454; VMH 1.107.

12. cf. Vel. B.U.J. Vol. Ill, Part VI, pp. 38-43.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

175

Indra in preference to the sacrifices of other persons (VII.33.2, where
‘Pasadyumna’ 13 is mentioned). The soma-sacrifice also associates
Sudas with Asvins, who are supposed to have given him his wife
Sudevi (1.112.19). His worship of Mitravaruna, where the priestly
help is expected to be appreciated even by his enemies is referred to
at VII.64.3 (mitrastanno varuno devo aryah pra sadhisthebhih pathi-
bhirnayantu | bravad yatha na adarih sudasa isa madema saha
devagopahj |), indicating how the outstanding results of certain per¬
formances used to convert people towards the cult of sacrifice.

A general mention of the help he received from Vasisfhas will
be found at VII.20.2, 25.3, 32.10. It is however the Dasarajna battle
and the victory he gained therein as a result of the priestly service
of Vasistha, that seems to have brought him as well as Vasi^ha to
great prominence.

Two Bharata chiefs are mentioned as connected intimately
with the fire-ritual (III.23.2, amanthi$tham bharata revadagnim
devasrava devavatah. .. .) on the banks of the rivers, Dr$advati,
Apaya and Saraswatl (III.23.4).

Another Bharata is referred to as kindling fire for sacrifice at
VI.16.4, where it is indicated how he was a keen sacrificer and
stimulated the interest of his followers in sacrifice as well.

PANCAJANAS :

Like the Bharatas, the Paneajanas also figure prominently in
the evolution of the sacrifice in the days of the Rgveda. In a general
way the ‘panca krstis’ or pancacarsanis’ or ‘pancaksitis’ or panca-
manusas’ have been mentioned as associated with the ritual and the
consequential prosperity. Thus at IX.66.20 (agnih rsih pavamanah
pancajanyah purohitah) and at 1.100.12 (. . . .pancajanyo marutvanno
bhavatvindra utl), their association with Indra and soma worship
is indicated. At V. 32.11, Indra is said to be the good lord of ‘panca-
janas’ and as such worshipped by them twice a day. cf. also VIII.
63.7 (pancajanyaya visa indre ghosa asrksata). As such Indra is
said to belong to them (1.7.9, indrah pancaksitlnam). Indra is said
to be the source of strength and prosperity to them (III.37.9, 1.176.3).

Being connected with sacrifices in general, their association with
Agni is quite apparent (X.45.6, jana yadagnimayajanta panca and
VI.11.4cd.). It is for the same reason that Usas is said to be awaken¬
ing them (VII.75.4, pancaksitirbodhayantl).

The word pahcajana’ 13 may have been associated with five
tribey only in the beginning, though later on it came to refer to all

13 ' ^l; r vld kn Stu n 2 t °130, V I39 artiCipated ^ the Da ^ ar ^na battle. cfTV.I. Vol. I
14. VMH Vol. I, p. 105; V.I. II,' pp. 341-2.

176

SACRIFICE IN THE ftGVEDA

the people who followed the cult of sacrifice as would be clear
from the references above. At IX.14.2 (gira yadi sabandhavah
pancavrata apasyavah | pariskrnvantiit appears that the com¬
mon ties which brought together the five tribes, appear to be referred
to. Their employment of hymns (gira) and their dressing of soma
juice are said to have brought them together (sabandhavah), indi¬
cating that it was some common tradition regarding the sacrificial
performances which made them form a compact group of the name.
It is such association regarding soma-sacrifice that appears to have
prompted the collection of soma hymns in a separate mandala.

At 1.108.8, five tribes have been mentioned individually as
associated with Agni and Indra worship from very ancient days
(yudindragni yadusu turvasesu yad druhyu^u anusu puru§u
sthah j atah pari vpsanava hi yatamatha somasya pibatam
sutasya). From the tone of vv.7-12 of the hymn, where the
poet is requesting the divinities to come from all places (cf. v.7,
brahmani. .. .rajani va; v.10, avamasyam, madhyamasyam, para-
masyam ....), it appears that the poet is referring to five sacrificing
tribes from all the directions. There is however no convincing
evidence to support the view that those five only were known as
‘pancajanas’. It may be a pure accident that the peoples mentioned
here are five in number. It appears to be purely for political reasons
that they fought with Sudas in the famous Dasarajna battle. As it
will be observed below all of them were followers of the cult of
the sacrifice as it was in prevalence at the time.

The role of the Bharatas in the evolution of the sacrifice and
their tradition in that regard was so prominent that they would
come to be included in any list of the five tribes on the criterion
of the sacrifice, which appears to be associated with them. The
employment of the words indicating five tribes in the seventh
mandala, 15 which refers to the triumph of Sudas over kings including
the five mentioned at 1.108, would indicate that they could not be
in view of the poets of VII.15, 75 and-79, where ‘pancajanas’ are
referred to as favoured by the divinities. So it would appear that
even if the word ‘pancajana’ referred to the five tribes, referred to
at 1.108 sometime, that association had come to be forgotten in course
of time and the word had come to mean ‘the sacrificing Aryans’ in
general.

YADUS : 16

Out of nearly a dozen passages, where yadu or yadus are men¬
tioned in the Rgveda, their connection with sacrifice is suggested at
VIII.10.5, where the divinities are said to be residing with them;

15. VII.15.2, 72.5, 75.4, 79.1.

16. V.I. Vol. II, p. 185.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

177

at 1.174.9, V.31.8, VI.20.12, VIII.7.18, where yadu is said to have
been helped by the divinities. At X.62.10, a yadu prince is praised
in a danastuti for a gift of two dasas. At VIII.9.14, the association
with soma-sacrifice is clearly referred to.

The descendants of the yadus (yadvas) 17 are glorified in a
danastuti at VIII.6.47 (trini satanyarvatam sahasra dasa gonam !
dadu§pajraya samne), where they are said to have given very sump¬
tuous gifts for a saman hymn of the Pajra family. 18 Another yadava
prince is said to have suffered along with Turvasa at the hands of
Indra (VII.19.8) on account of wrong political alliance.

At VIII.6.46-48, Tirindara 19 and Parsu, 20 appear to be referred
to as belonging to the yadva group (satamaham tirindare sahasram
parsava dade 1 radhamsi yadvanam), which is said to be well known
(for their sacrificial gifts) (v.48, sravasa yadvarh janam).

TURVASAS : 21

In about ten passages, Indra’s help to them has been referred
to. At VI.27.7, a Turvasa prince is said to be defeated by Indra
in favour of Srnjaya and at VII.18.6, another Turvasa, who allied
with others to form a group of ten (dasa rajanah samitah ayajyavah
VII.83.7), is said to have been thrown down in favour of Sudas. The
irony in the description (purola itturvso yaksurasit) very possibly
is significant, indicating his enthusiasm for sacrificial performances.
At VIII.4.19 and X.62.10, gifts given by Turvasa have been referred
to, indicating the sacrificial performances of the family. At VIII.
10.5, their association in Asvin worship is referred to.

Turvlti 22 referred to at 1.61.11, 11.13.12, V.19.6, possibly belonged
to the Turvasa family as Macdonell imagines. At 1.112.23 he is said
to be helped by Asvins. Say. takes him to be a son of Vayya. 23

DRUHYUS : 24

At 1.108 and VIII.10.5, their association with sacrifice has been
referred to along with others. Their strength is referred to at VI.
46.8. The clan of Druhyus thus appears to have prospered for some
time and helped the growth of sacrifice; but in their association with
others against Sudas in the Dasarajna battle, they appear to be almost
completely wiped off as indicated at VII.18.14 (ni gavyavo anavo
druhyavasca $astih sata susupuh satsahasra j $a$thirv!raso adhi §ad

17. V.I. I, p. 190.

18. Vide Chapter VII, p. 152.

19. V.I. Vol. I, p. 310.

20. V.I. Vol. I, p. 504.

21. V.I. Vol. I, p. 314.

22. V.I. Vol. I, p. 317.

23. V.I. II. p. 244.

24. V.I. Vol. I, p. 385.

178

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

duvoyu), where they are said to have been destroyed in large num¬
bers along with their chief (VII.18.12, anu druhyum ni Vpiag
vajrabahuh).

ANUS : 2S

At V.31.4, 26 they are said to be preparing the chariot of Indra
along with Tvastr who fashioned his bow. At VIII.4.1, Indra is said
to be residing with Anus and Turvasa. Agni is said to belong to
Anus at VIII.74.4. Along with Druhyus (VII. 18.14), they have
suffered heavily in the Dasarajna battle. At VIII.74.2 Srutarvan, 27
is said to be worshipping the fire of the Anus. He is said to be
‘arksa’. Thus Rksa, Arksa, Srutarvan and Asvamedha, 28 may be
all persons belonging to the family of the Anus, confirming their
sacrificial traditions.

PURUS : 29

The race of the Purus apparently was known as a powerful
race as its strength is particularly requested by a poet at VI.46.8
(yad va trksau maghavan druhyava jane yat purau kacca vrsnyam |
asmabhyam tad rirlhi 11). Whether it was due to sacrificial traditions
or not, the close association with sacrifice is, as in the case of
Turvasa, 30 ironically indicated at VII.18.13 (jesma purum vidathe
mrdhravacam), where the poet is emphasizing how the sacrificial
invocations of Purus would be futile in comparison with those of
Vasistha. It is thus that his priestly service would be fruitful as
against that of the priest of the Purus (VII.83.4, satya... .puro-
hitih).

This sacrificial association of the Purus is amply substantiated
by references to a number of persons of that family, though some
of them are described as having suffered on account of wrong poli¬
tical alliances. For their connection with some form of fire-ritual
cf. 1.59.6, V.17.1, VII.5.3 and X.4.1.

They are associated with Indra worship as well, as indicated
at 1.131.4, IV.21.10, VI.20.10, X.48.5.

They are said to be residing on the banks of Saraswatl, well-
known for sacrificial activity (VII.96.2). On the strength of VIII.
64.10-11, they are believed to be residing on the Saryanavat, 31 which
again is imagined to be a portion of Saraswatl. 32

25. V .1. Vol. I, p. 22.

26. Say. takes them to be ‘Rbhus’; but they have fashioned the chariot of Asvins
(Vide my paper in B.U.J. 1952).

27. See below.

28. said to be arksa at VIII.68.16.

29. V.I. Vol. II p. 'll.

30. VII.18.6 see above.

31. V.I. Vol. II, p. 12; for various views see V.I. Vol. II, p. 364.

32. For Oldenberg’s view regarding the merger of Purus with Kurus, cf. ‘Buddha’
—404

THE ROLE OF THE PRIESTS IN THE SACRIFICE

179

Two generations of Purus, 33 sacrificing to Indra have been
referred to. Thus Purukutsa is said to be receiving help from Indra
at 1.63.7, 174.2 and VI.20.10. Asvins are said to be helping him
(1.112.7, 14). His son Trasadasyu is associated with the worship of
Dyavaprthivi (IV.38.1), Indra (VII.19.3), Asvins (VIII.8.21, 36.7).
His mother is said to have received him as her son on account of
Indra-worship (IV.42.9). He appears to be a very keen sacrificer
from the mention of Agni as ‘Trasadasyava samrat’ (VIII.19.32)
and from a Danastuti in his honour at V.33.8, 9 by a member of
Atri family. Another one in his honour by Sobhari of the Kanva
family is referred to at VIII.19.36, where he is described as the most
liberal (manhistha) person.

In course of time Trasadasyu appears to have become a family
name as Tryaruna is referred to accordingly at V.27.3. Tryarupa,
possibly a son of Trivrsna (led.) is being praised for a sacrificial
gift at V.27.1-3, where he is said to be receiving Agni’s favour for
the ninth time (v.3ab, eva ta agne sumatim cakano navi^thaya
navamam trasadasyuh).

Trksi 34 belonging to Trasadasyu’s family is referred to as
winning gifts from Asvins, indicating the continuation of the sacri¬
ficial tradition (VIII.22.7.tj-k?im.trasadasyavam.

jinvathafi).

Kurusravana 35 is referred to as belonging to the family of
Trasadasyu (X.33.4). He is said to be ‘manhistha’ like Trasadasyu
at VIII.19.36. His gifts are referred to at X.32.9. It is not quite
clear how Tpk^i and Kurusravana were related together as well as
with Trasadasyu. The vague mention may indicate that they were
very much later than him. Upamairavas 36 is mentioned as the son
of Kurusravana (X.33.6) and the grandson of Mitratithi (X.33.7).

Still another king in the Puru family carrying on the sacrificial
traditions is referred to at VIII.50.5 as Paura. 37 Indra is said to be
having a fancy for the invocation of Paura in a soma sacrifice (some
svadhvare. ...paure chandayase havam). He is similarly associated
with Asvin worship at V.74.4. The reference to ‘Paurasah’ at VIII.
54.1) carrying on Indra worship possibly indicates how the later
members came to be recognised by his name, his having been an
illustrious member of the family.

SISTAS : 3S

It appears to be a small clan which had distinguished itself in

33. For two other possible ancestors, cf. V.I. I p. 327.

34. V.I. I, p. 319.

35. V.I. I. p. 170; Brhad VIII. 35-6.

36. V.I. I p. 93.

37. V.I. II p. 26.

38. V.I. II p. 383.

180

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

soma sacrifices (VIII.53.4). 39
CEDIS : 40

This small clan along with their chief Kasu 41 has been referred
to at VIII.5.37-39. They are referred to as a powerful people, who
subdued the ten kings 42 (v.38). They are said to be unique in their
ways (makirena patha gad yeneme yanti cedayah |). Their liberal
gift is also referred to (satamustranarh dadat sahasra dasa gonam).

SRRJAYAS : 43

This is another ancient family with a sacrificial tradition. At
IV. 15.4 (ayam yah srnjaye puro daivavate samidhyate), where
Daivavata of the Srnjaya family is said to have kindled sacrificial
fire in old days. It is possible that he was a son of Devavata of the
Bharata family (see above) who was known for his Agni worship.
His name seems to be Srnjaya which later on came to be known as
the name of the family (cf. Trasadasyu above). Kumara Saha-
devya, 44 who is mentioned in a danastuti in the same hymn (IV.
15.7.10) almost certainly belongs to that family. Daivavata is also
referred to in a danastuti at VI.27.7, where Indra is said to have
helped him against Turvasa and Vrcivats. 45 Another king of the
same family Prastoka 46 is praised in a danastuti at VI.47.22-25
(prastoka it.. ;.bharadvajan sarnjayo abhyaya§ta). According to
Hillebrandt 47 Vltahavya mentioned at VI.15.2, 3; VII.19.3 is also
a member of the Srnjaya family.

RUSAMA :

This is the name of another sacrificing family referred to in a
danastuti at V.30.12-15, 48 where they are said to be offering strong
soma juice to Indra (v.13). Their king Rnamcaya 49 is referred to
(v.12, 14, rnamcaye rajani rusamanam). The word ‘rusama’ is used
in singular at VIII.3.12, 4.2, 51.9, indicating either the founder of
the family or the family itself. At VIII.3.12, Indra is said to be
helping him. At VIII.4.2 (indra madayase), their soma-sacrifice is
referred to. Their family priest was Babhru (V.30.11). 50

39. Sisfesu citte madiraso amsavo yatra somasya trrhpasi.

40. V.I. I p. 263.

41. V.I. I p. 144.

42. They are apparently different from those of the famous Dasarajfia battle.
Possibly the opponents were similarly confederated against Kasu.

43. V.I. II. 469-71; Buddha-405.

44. V.I. II. p. 479.

45. See Abhyavarti below.

46. V.I. II p. 43.

47. VMH I p. 105; V.I. II.316-7.

48. Vide Chapter XI.

49. V.I. I p. 110.

50. Vide Chapter VII, p. 146.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

181

NAHU$AS : 61

The tribe is mentioned along with the ‘panca ksitis’ at VI.46.7,
indicating its ancient tradition. Agni is said to be kindled for him
at 1.31.11 and adored by the tribe (X.80.6). Their association with
Saraswati is indicated at VII.95.2 and with soma and sacrifice at
IX.88.2, 91.2; VIII.46.27.

Besides these families occasional mention is made of a number
of other individuals who have rendered some conspicuous service
to the cause of the sacrifice.

ATITHIGVA : 52

He is referred to as giving gifts in a sacrifice along with his son
Indrota (VIII.68.15, 17). According to Say. on VIII.68.14, they are
giving gifts being inspired to do so when they attended the sacrificial
session of Rk§a and Asvamedha.

ABHYAVARTI CYAYAMANA : 53

At VI.27.5, 8, he is said to be helped by Indra and is referred
to in a danastuti of Daivavata of the Srnjaya family, with whom
possibly he is identical.

ASVATHA : 54

He is said to have given a gift to Payu at VI.47.24. He need
not be considered as identical with Divodasa and Prastoka as
Griffith 55 imagines.

ASVAMEDHA : 5e

He is referred to at V.27.4.6 in a danastuti in his honour, where
he is said to have performed a soma-sacrifice in honour of Indra
and Agni (vv.5, 6) cf. Rk?a, Arksa and Putakratu below.

ASAMATI : 67

He is probably a king of Rathaprostha family, said to have been
helped by Indra against Bhajeratha (X.60.2), to gain political power
(k$atra X.60.5), though Macdonell construes the word merely as an
adjective.

INDROTA:

See Atithigva above.

51. V.I. I p. 438.

52. V.I. I p. 15; Vel. B.U.J. XV 1948 p. 25 f.n. and Vol. XXI, 1952 p. 18 f.n.

53. V.I. 1.29; 260.

54. V.I. I p. 44.

55. HRG Vol. I p. 611 f.n.

58. V.I. I pp. 44, 69; Anuk, considers him as a member of the Bharata family.

57. V.I. I pp. 46-7.

182

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

UK$ANYAYANA : 68

At VIII.25.22-25, he is mentioned as giving a gift along with
Su$aman and Harayana, who need not be considered as identical
merely by the fact of their reference in a ‘danastuti’. Thus in v.22,
Uk$anyayana is said to have given a bay horse, Harayana, a white
horse and Su$aman, a chariot. And then in the following two verses,
the horses with a chariot are glorified. The word ‘vipra’ (v.24) need
not be considered as used with an irony as Griffith 59 imagines but
as referring to two attendants. It may be noted that the chariot is
referred to as ‘yukta’ (v.22). Thus the three need not be considered
as identical particularly as they are mentioned separately with
different gifts. The phenomenon of different persons giving gifts
in the same sacrifice is a pretty common one (cf. VIII.68.14-19). It
appears to be due to the fact that certain victories were won jointly
and hence the sacrificial performance would also be a joint one.
It is also possible that some petty patrons would be coming together
for a bigger performance which would be possible by their joint
effort.

0RJANYA :<3°

As Say. construes, this is possibly the name of a sacrificing
prince at V.41.20 though it is construed as an adjective by Roth.

RK$A AND ARK§A : 51

Along with the gifts of other patrons, the son of Rksa (VIII.
68.15), is said to have given gifts of horses. At VIII.68.16 Asvamedha
is referred to as Ark§a possibly indicating that he is identical with
the son of Rksa, referred to in v.15. In that case he may be different
from a person of the name referred to at V.27.4-6 (see above). At
VIII.74.13 Srutarvan is also referred to as Arksa, indicating that he
is perhaps the brother of Asvamedha referred to at VIII.68.16 or
perhaps by the time the name of Rksa had come to be associated
with a family and all subsequent persons were referring to them¬
selves of ‘Ark$a’. Srutarvan Arksa appears to be residing on the
banks of Parusni (cf. VIII.74.15). For their possible connection
with the family of Anus, see above (under ‘Anus’).

RJI$VAN : 62

At IV.16.13 and V.29.11, he is referred to as a descendant of
Vidathin. He is said to be a liberal sacrificer at VI.20.7. He is
mentioned along with a number of persons who gained at the hands
of Indra, among whom Trasadasyu is one (VIII.49.10) and as such

5fT V.I. p. 83.

59. HRG Vol. p. 161 f.n.

60. V.I. I p. 105.

61. VJ. I p. 107.

62. VJ. Vol. I, p. 108; for Vaidathina, Vol. II, p. 329.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

183

appears to be known as a soma-sacrificer. This is confirmed by
V.29.11 (a avamrji$va sakhyaya cakre pacanpaktirapibah somam-
asya,), where he is said to have offered oblations and pressed out
the soma-juice.

KUNDAPAYYA : G3

At VIII.17.13 it may be the name of ancient soma-sacrificer as
indicated by the pressing of the soma-juice, referred to in v.12.

KURUNGA : 64

He is said to have given an attractive gift in divi§ti sacrifices 35
at VIII.4.19, which is said to be characteristic even in comparison
with that of the Turvasas. (turvasesu amanmahi).

KRPA : 6G

Along with Ruma, Ru£ama Syavaka, he is mentioned as offer¬
ing sacrifice to Indra at VIII.4.2 and as such requests help from him
(IV.3.12, sagdhi krpam).

CITRA : 67

It is not clear how Brhad has arrived at the story of Citra being
the king of rats. The description at VIII.21.17-18 appears to be
quite a normal one as that of a prince as far as the Rgveda is con¬
cerned. It is a danastuti in his honour. Indra-worship has helped
him in gaining a victory and he appears to be celebrating it on the
banks of the river Saraswatl as indicated at VIII.21.17 (indro va
ghediyanmagham saraswati va subhaga dadirvasu j tvarh va citra
dasuse) where the gift is referred to as capable of being given by
Indra, Saraswati or Citra. The gift is almost a shower of wealth
(parjanya it tatanad hi vrstya) as he gave in thousands (sahasra-
mayuta dadat). On account of such an outstanding gift, other
princes are said to be appearing quite dimunitive in comparison
with him (v.18, citra id raja rajaka idanyake yake saraswatimanu j).

CYAVATANA : e8

At V.33.9, the sacrificial gift of Cyavatana is referred to as indi¬
cated by reference to that of Marutasva earlier as ‘vidathasya rati’
(33.9b). Perhaps he may be identical with the latter as Macdonell
suggests. He is mentioned in the hymn along with Trasadasyu and
Dhvanya with their separate gifts.

63. V.I. I p. 161; Say. does not consider the word to be the name of a sacrificer.

64. V.I. I p. 170.

65. cf. Chapter VI p. 128.

66. V.I. I p. 179.

67. V.I. 1.261; Brhad. VI.61.

68. V.I. I p. 264.

184

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

TARANTA ; 69

At V.61.10, as a son of Vidadasva (Vaidadasvin), 70 he is said
to have given a gift of a hundred cows.

TARUKfpA : 71

He is mentioned along with Dasa Balbutha in a danastuti at
VIII.46.32. Perhaps he was also a Dasa and as such a convert to
the cult of the sacrifice.

TIRINDARA 72 AND PAR6U : 73

See Yadus above and the danastuti at VIII.6.46-48 in Chapter XI.

TURVAYANA : 74

At 1.53.10 and VI.18.13, Indra is said to have helped him. At
X.61.1 (parsat pakthe), the Pakthas are said to have been helped
and at v.2, Turvayana is said to have offered ample soma-juice.
Cyavana, 75 the priest of another patron had fairly advanced prepa¬
rations for sacrifice to Indra (v.2, cyavanah sudairamimita vedim).
Indra however is said to have driven away the priests (v.l, ahanna
sapta hotrn), as the offering of Cyavana was deceptive (v.2, sa id
danaya dabhyaya vanvan). This indicates how mere show was not
tolerated for sacrifices and the success of the performance was
determined on quantitative grounds as indicated by almost a shower
of soma-juice on the part of Cyavana.

TRNASKANDA : 76

He is said to be helped by Maruts, along with his subjects at
1.172.3.

DABHITI : 77

He is said to have received help from Indra against Dasyus and
Dasas (II.13.9; IV.30.21), apparently by sacrificial performances
referred to at VI.20.13 (. . . . somebhih sunvan dabhitiridhmabhrtih
pakthyarkaih), with soma-juice and cooked food. He need not be
considered to be a priest by a reference to hymns at VI.20.13. If
there was a patron, the occasion required his mention and so the
conjecture does not appear to be justified.

69. V.l. I p. 300.

70. V.l. II p. 329.

71. V.l. I p. 300.

72. V.l. p. 310.

73. op. cit. p. 504.

74. op. cit. p. 319.

75. V.l. I pp. 264-5.

76. op. cit. p. 320.

77. op. cit. pp. 339-40.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

185

DASYAVE \HFtKA : 78

As a patron of sacrifice, he is said to have given sumptuous
gifts to a member of the Kanva family in VIII.55 and 56. At VIII.
51.2, the name refers to a priest who won a thousand cows apparent¬
ly as a gift from his patron. It appears that the name Dasyavevfka
( a wolf to dasyus) was coined for a patron and later his priest-poet
also came to be designated accordingly. This appears to have
happened as in the case of ‘Tj-tsus’, where the word is applied to both
the Vasi$thas as well as their patrons in the Rgveda. 79

DUHSIMA : so

He is referred to in a danastuti at X.93.14-15, along with
Pj-thavana, Vena and Mayava Rama about whom nothing is known
except that they declare their gift jointly. This is another illustra¬
tion of a joint sacrifice by a number of petty chiefs.

DHVANYA : 8 '

Along with Trasadasyu and Cyavatana, Dhvanya, the son of
Lak$mana is said to be separately giving his gifts at V.33.10, with
Samvarana as their priest. 82

DHVASRA : 88

Along with Puru$anti (see below) he is referred to as giving
gifts to the poet of IX.58 and his family.

NARYA : 84

He is said to be a soma-sacrificer and glorified in a danastuti
at VIII.24.29-30. He is said to have given gifts to Vyasvas 05 for
their priestly service. He is said to have flourished on the banks of
the river Gomati 86 at VIII.24.30.

PAKASTHAMAN : 87

He has been praised in a danastuti at VIII.3.21-24. He was
the son of Kuruyana (v.21). His liberality is praised in an interest¬
ing metaphor. 88 It was apparently a soma-sacrifice that he performed
in honour of Indra. But no other details are available.

78. V.I. I p. 346; Geldner II p. 373; 377-8; Vide Chapter XI under ‘danastutis’.

79. Thus the word refers to Vasisfhas at VII.83.4 satya trtsunamabhavat purohitih;
the word refers to Bharatas at VII.33.5, 6 and VII.83.6. For various views
regarding Trtsus—Cf. V.I. I pp. 320-23.

80. V.I. I p. 371.

81. op. cit. p. 406.

82. Vide Chapter VII. p. 159.

83. V.I. I p. 407.

84. V.I. I p. 447.

85. Vide Chapter VII. p. 158.

88. Vide Chapter IV. p. 65.

87. V.I. I p. 514.

88. For explanation, cf. Chapter XI ‘danastutis’.

186

SACRIFICE IN THE ItGVEDA

PARAVATA ; 89

At VIII.34.18 the gifts of Paravata (rati$u dravaccakre§u asu$u)
are referred to. The word may refer to a person of the name or
even a group of people (VIII. 100.6). At VI.61.2, they are said to
be punished by Saraswati.

PURAYAH : 90

He is mentioned as a liberal donor at VI.63.9-10 along with
the following, about none of whom any information is available
elsewhere. (1) Purupantha 91 (2) Peruka 92 (3) Sanda 93 (4) Sumilha 94

PURUMILHA : 95

At V. 61.9-10 he appears as a patron along with Taranta, who
has given gifts to Syavasva of the Atri family. He is said to be a
soma-sacrificer at 1.151.2 (sominah). At 1.183.5, he is mentioned
along with Gotama and Atri and hence construed as a priest. 96 It
should however be noted that he may be mentioned along with the
two priestly families as their patron. The nyaya applied to consider
him a priest is ‘samdarhsa-nyaya’; it should rather be ‘dehalldipa-
nyaya’, indicating his patronage to both the families. His liberality
is indicated at VIII.71.14 (agnim raye purumilha srutarh naro’gnim
suditaye cchardih) where he is said to be addressed along with Agni
and other men for wealth.

PURUSANTI : 97

Along with Dhvasra, he is said to have given sacrificial gifts
at IX.58.3. At 1.112.23, he is mentioned as protected by .Asvins
and hence like a number of others, who are said to be worshipping
Indra and Asvins, he too appears to be a soma-sacrificer.

POTAKRATU : 98

He is said to have given gifts and is referred to in a d&nastuti
at VIII.68.17 along with Indrota and Ark?a.

PRTHAVANA

At X.93.14, he is mentioned along with Duhsima, Vena and Rama,
cf. Duhsima above.

89. V.I. I p. 518; VMH Vol. I 97; Vel. B.U.J. XV 1946; VMH I. 97. cf. also Vasurocis
below.

90. V.I. I p. 540.

91. op. cit. p. 543.

92. V.I. Vol. II, p. 22.

93. op. cit. p. 371.

94. op. cit. p. 457.

95. V.I. Vol. Vol. I, p. 543.

96. HRG I. 247.

97. V.I. II p. 2.

98. op. cit. p. 10; ‘Asvamedha’ above.

99. op. cit. p. 15.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS 187

PRTHU6RAVAS KANITA : 10C

The poet Vasa Asvya is said to have received a gift from
Ppthusravas at 1.116.21 in an Asvin worship and at VIII.46.21 in an
Indra worship. As referred to at both the places (1.116.21, ekasya
vastoravatarh, . . .and VIII.46.21. .. . asya vyu$yadade), the gifts were
received in the morning, indicating perhaps a convention of holding
such rites in the morning. His liberality is referred to at VIII.46.24.

PRDAKUSANU : 101

At VIII.17.15, he is said to be superior to many (abhi bhuyasah)
though alone (ekah san) and asked to bring Indra for a drink of
soma (somasya pltaye) indicating his soma-sacrifices.

PRATARDANI : 1G2

At VI.26.8, a descendant of Pratardana is associated with a

sacrificial invocation for royal glory (asyam dyumnahutau.

kjatrasrirastu j).

PRIYARATHA : 1G3

See Srutaratha below.

RATHAVlTI DARBHYA

He is glorified by the poet Syavasva of the Atri family at V.
61.17-19. He appears to be a leader of a tribe, residing in far-off
regions in the mountain (v.19, parvate§u apasritah). The poet is
so very attached to him (v.8, na kamo apa veti me) because of the
soma sacrifices that he has undertaken (v,18b).

RAMA : 13G

See Duhsima above.

VASUROCIS :’ 0G

He appears to be a person belonging to Paravata family, v/ho
has made some gifts in a sacrifice (VIII.34.16). Taking into considera¬
tion the fact that Paravatas were possibly obstacles in the way of
sacrifice, as Saraswati is said to have struck them down (VI.61.2,
‘paravataghnirh’), this would be an illustration of an individual from
a non-sacrificing tribe converted to the cult of sacrifice.

100. op. cit. p. 17.

101. V.I. II p. 18; Vel. B.U.J. XIV 1945 p. 23 contrues the word as equivalent
to Agni.

102. V.I. II p. 49.

103. op. cit. p. 52.

104. V.I. II p. 206; Say. quoting Brhad; V.H. Part I S.B.E. 32. pp. 359. 362.

105. V.I. II p. 222.

106. op. cit. p. 277; and Paravata above.

188

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

VENA : : 07

He is referred to in a danastuti (X.93.14). cf. Duhsima above.
SATRI : 108

From the way he is glorified at V.34.9 (sahasrasamagnivesim
gpni$e satrimagna uparnam ketumaryah ] tasma apah sarhyatah
pipayanta tasmin ksatramamavat tvesamastu j), he appears to be a
very keen sacrificer. It appears that by the time, political power
was associated with encouragement to sacrifice as it was attained
with the help of sacrifice and hence the request of the poet for a
bright and powerful dominion for him (tvesamamavat ksatram).
Satri belonged to Agnivesa family and apparently for his gifts in
sacrifices, he is being referred to as ‘aryah ketu’. The glorifying
epithet is significant inasmuch as the performance of sacrifices has
come to be considered as the standard for Aryan behaviour indi¬
cating the influence of sacrifice on social ideals of the time.

SARA : 1Q 9

He is referred to as a liberal patron (bhojah surih) in a danastuti
at VIII.70.13-15. Macdonell along with Pischel considers this to be
an ironical danastuti inasmuch as one calf is said to be given to three
priests. It appears however that a little misunderstanding of the
meaning has caused this impression. Ordinarily we cannot expect
an ironical reference in a danastuti. Danastutis 110 were apparently
written at the time of celebrating a victory attained by the help
of the divinity. Very possibly the gift was made known after the
hymn was composed for the occasion and hence ordinarily the ; stuti’
occurs at the end.

If under such circumstances, Sara belonging to Suradeva’s
family has given his gift, it cannot be as miserable as it is made out
to be, because in that case the poet would not have been as enthu¬
siastic in his description of the patron as he appears to be at VIII.
70.13 (sakhayah kratumicchata katha radhama sarasya j upastutim
bhojah suriryo ahrayah j|), where he says that he cannot adequately
praise his patron’s liberality and prowess. In the following stanza
(14ab, bhuribhih samaha j-sibhirbarhismadbhih samidhyase), he is said
to be praised by a number of sacrificing priests, which would not be
possible if the person was so miserly. He is said to give the gift of
a number of calves (14cd, yaditthamekamekamicchara vatsan parada-
dahj) at the rate of one to each, the idea being that the patron himself
was handing over the calves one by one. The same fact is graphi-

107. V.I. II p. 325.

108. op. cit. p. 352.

109. V.I. II p. 357, Ved. Stu. 1.5-7; Vel. B.UJ. 1946 p. 28 f.n.

110. Vide remarks in Chapter XI under ‘DSnastuti’.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

180

cally described in v.15 (karnagrhya maghava sauradevyo vat.sarh
nastribhya anayat). The word ‘vatsa’ in the singular need not be
made much of in view of the plural ‘vatsan’ in v.14. The significance
of ‘karnagrhya’ appears to be that the patron himself was doing honour
to the priest by picking up the calf or calves in the same manner
for these three priests. It is the sentiment that the poet is appre¬
ciating though the gift may not be so sumptuous as some other gifts.
It may be noted that it is in this strain that even the gift of four horses
is referred to as a ‘unique gift’ at VIII.74.15 (cf. nemapo asvadatarah
savisfhadasti martyah).

&YAVA: 111

He is referred to in a danastuti at VIII.19.37 as sacrificer on
the banks of the river Suvastu. He may be the same as Syavaka
who is referred to along with Krpa (see above) etc. (VIII.3.12; 4.2). 112

SRUTARVAN 13

Indra is said to have helped him in defeating his opponent
Mrgaya at X. 49.5. He is mentioned for his association with Agni
ritual at VIII.74.4 (yasya srutarva. . . .anika edhate) and is praised
for a gift at VIII.74.13.

Savistha referred to at VIII.74.14, 15 may be understood as
identical with Srutarvan, particularly as the gift of Savi?tha as well
as of Srutarvan (1.13, sir$a caturnam; v.14 catvara asavah) is of four
horses only. He is said to be a unique donor (v.15, quoted under
Sara).

SRUTARATHA : 114

At V.36.6, he is praised in a danastuti as a youthful king, fit to
be bowed down to (ksitayo namantam) by the people. At 1.122.7,
he is mentioned along with Priyaratha as a patron of the priestly
family of the Pajras, giving them all nourishment.

6VAITREYA : 115

At 1.33.14, Indra is said to have helped him for a glorious victory.
He may be identical with Svitra mentioned in the following stanza.
At V.19.3, he is referred to as prospering along with his people
obviously on account of the performances of soma sacrifices for
them by Brhaduktha of the Atri family. He appears to have given

111. V.I. II p. 399.

112. Ayava and Syavasva cf. 1.117.21, V.61.9, X. 65.2 appear to be different.

113. op cit. p. 403; cf. also ‘Anus', 'Arksa' and ‘Asvamedha’ above.

114. V.I. Vol. II p. 402.

115. op. cit, p. 410.

190

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

gifts of a golden necklace to the priest as the epithet ‘ni§kagriva’
would indicate, apparently for his sacrificial service.

SAVARNI OR SAVARNYA: 116

In glorifying the gift of this almost a mythical being at X.62.9
(savarpyasya dak^ina vi sindhuriva paprathe) and 62.11 (sahasrada
gramanirma ri§anmanuh suryenasya yatamanaitu daksina), it seems
that the poet is either visualising him as a sacrificer or is seeking
to glorify the importance of the sacrifice by his imaginative state¬
ment, indicating thereby also the very ancient origin of the system
of sacrifice.

SUNITHA — SAUCADRATHA : 117

Along with a number of other worshippers of U?as, he is refer¬
red to at V.79.2.

SUSAMAN 18

He is mentioned in a danastuti along with Uksanyayana and
Harayana at VIII.25.22 (see above). At VIII.60.18 (ketena sarman
sacate susamani), the reference may be to the same person as
Macdonell thinks or even it may have been used just in a derivative
sense. At VIII.23.28, 24.28, 26.2, the word ‘varo’ precedes it as a
separate word. Padapatha shows it separately and Say. construes
it as vocative of Varu, which he considers to be the name of the
king at two of these places. At VIII.23.28, he construes it as an
epithet of Agni. Sayana’s explanation is apparently a conjectural
one, particularly not fitting at VIII.26.2, where Varu and Asvina
will have to be construed as addressed in the same stanza. Against
the evidence of Padapatha, Ludwig considers it to be one word
indicating the same ‘Su^aman’. It is possible that they are identical
particularly as they are referred to in the hymns of the same poet
Visvamanas and nothing is known about Varu from elsewhere.

SVANAYA BHAVYA : 119

At 1.126.1, the king Bhavya is known as residing on the banks
of the river Sindhu and executing the performance of a thousand
‘savas’ 120 (amandan tsoman pra bhave manisa sindhavadhi ksiyato
bhavyasya J yo me sahasramamimita savanaturto raja srava iccha-
manah). From the statement that he was desirous of fame, it would
appear that such longer performances were thought of as giving

116. V.I. II. p. 448.

117. op. cit. pp. 395, 455.

118. op. cit. p. 460: HRG Vol. II, p. 156; Say. construes the word as a name only at

VIII 24.28; 26.2.

119. Ni. IX.10; V.I. II. p. 103.

120. cf. ‘Sahasrasava’ in Chapter VI. The rite referred to here appears to be a
similar one.

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

191

fame. He is referred to as ‘Svanaya’ at 1.126.3 and also praised for
a gift in 1.125. This gift is said to be given in the morning (prata
ratnam prataritva dadhati) indicating that such performances were
held in the morning (see above).

SVARNARA : 121

He is mentioned along with Rusama etc. at VIII.3.12 as helped
by Indra. At VIII.12.2 also the same person appears to be referred
to. At a number of other passages, however, the word is apparently
used in a different sense. 122 Geldner takes it to mean a lake, the
region whereof was associated with soma-pressing. At V.18.5, a gift
is praised by a poet of Atri family; it may be that of this Svarnara.

It is interesting to note the ways in which the poets refer to
their patrons very frequently even without the idea of praising them
in view. As the sacriftcers were moving under close observation
of the poets of the various hymns, they come to be associated with
certain functions connected with the sacrifice.

Thus with the general performance in view, they are referred
to as ‘yajamana’ (1.127.2, etc.); ‘Ijana’ (1.125.4), ‘yaksyamana’ (I.
125.4), ‘yajvan’ (II.26.1), ‘prayak$an’ (1.132.5), ‘yajyu’ (1.55.6),
‘prayajyu’ (1.180.2), ‘yastu’ (1.13.6) etc. Gods are said to be helpful
to them (VI.28.2) and prospering them (X.26.8, VIII.12.18). Earlier
sacrifices are said to be dearer to the gods (V.77.2, purvah purvo
yajamano vaniyan). Aryan sacrifices are sharply contrasted with
non-Aryan non-sacrifices at 1.130.8 (indrah samatsu yajamana-
maryarh pravad viivesu satamutiraji?u svarmilhesvavajisu j manave
sasadavratan tvacam krsnamarandhayat | ! ) where Indra is said to
have crushed the non-sacrificers, in helping the noble sacrifices.
Usas is said to be awakening the sacrifices (1.113.9, yak$yamanah
ajlgah j).

For purposes of sacrifices, the sacrifices used to work hard.
This is indicated by their being called ‘sasamana’ (1.85.12, IV.2.13 etc).
For undertaking the sacrificial performance, they are called ‘rtam
yat’ (IX.69.3, 74.3, etc.). With preparation for sacrifice in view, a
sacrificer is called ‘subarhis’ (1.74.5). For carrying it through per¬
fectly, ‘svadhvara’ (VIII.5.33). With the gifts to gods in general
in the sacrifices and those to the priests for the performances in
view, he is variously referred to as ‘prayasvat’ (IV.41.2), ‘suprayas’
(IV.41.3), ‘dasvat’ (II.4.3), ‘dasvas’ (1.35.8), ‘dadasvas’ (1.166.3).
With preparations of the offerings in view, he is called ‘pacat (V.29.11)

121. V.I. II p. 495.

122. IV.21.3, V.18.4, VIII.6.39 etc.

192

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

‘sunvat’ etc.; with the equipment in the place of sacrifice in view,
he is called ‘havismat’ (VIII.6.27); with the offerings that have been
offered in view, he is said to be ‘ratahavya’ (VII. 19.6), ‘ratahavih’
(II.34.8), ‘havirda’ (1.153.3).

Soma being the most popular of all the offerings has given a
good many epithets to gods (vide Chapter III) as also the sacrificers.
Thus with the arrangement of the pressing stones in view, the sacri-
ficer is called ‘yuktagravan’ (11.12.6); with the actual pressing in
view, he is called ‘somasutva’ (1.113.18), sunvat (VIII.97.2), sunvana
(VIII.80.3); with the pressing process completed in view, ‘sutavan’
(VIII.97.4) or ‘sutasoma’ (1.142.1, X.28.2). With the custom of drink¬
ing the soma-juice in view, he is called ‘sutapah’ (1.155.2). With
the general soma-sacrifice in view, he is called ‘somin’ (1.49.1,
X.44.5).

His liberality in both undertaking the sacrifices and executing
them efficiently found expression by his being designated as ‘prayata-
daksina’ (1.31.5), ‘bhoja yajvan’ (1.151.2, 3, etc.).

It appears that patrons used to vie with each other in giving
gifts to the priests and in general celebrating the performance on
a generous scale, as that came to be considered to be the measure of
reputation at the time (cf. VII. 16.10, ye radhamsi dadatyasvya
magha kamena sravaso mahah |). It is this liberality which makes
both the patrons as well as Indra get the epithet ‘maghavat’. It is
thus that the ‘daksina’ given by the patrons, comes to be associated
with Indra in a glorified form (VII.27.4, anuna yasya daksina pipaya
vamam nrbhyo abhivlta sakhibhyah) and Indra comes to be referred
to as ‘daksinavan’ (III.39.6, IX.98.10). The generosity of the patrons
in helping the sacrificial performances was glorified in such a way
that it should be helpful in general to the growth of the sacrifice
(VIII.5.6, ta sudevaya dasuse sumedhamavitarinlm | ghrtairgavyuti-
muksatam), where the poet is asking for a wide pasture-land for the
patron, which would lead to the performances of more sacrifices
(indicated by ‘sumedha’).

Gods are also said to be treating them in a reciprocatingly con¬
siderate manner and being extremely generous to them. Thus
Indra is said to be a liberal giver to those liberal patrons at VIII.88.6
(nakih paristirmaghavan maghasya te yaddasuse dasasyasi) and at
X.42.8 (naha damanarh maghava niyamsanni sunvate vahati bhuri
vamam), where Indra is said to be giving without any restriction
on himself.

Patrons are in this way not only helpful to the priests with the
prosperity attained through the sacrifices but also to the gods

CONTRIBUTION OF THE PATRONS

193

through whose favour the prosperity is attained. This conception
of mutual helpfulness between the divinity and the human beings
through the sacrifices can thus be perceived to be the underlying
idea of the institution of the sacrifice as it was being developed in
the Aryan society. It has thus been emphasized by the author of
the Gita as leading towards social emancipation (III.11, ‘devan
bhavayata. . . .sreyah paramavapsyatha). It is explicitly stated in a
number of passages in the Rgveda.

Thus Indra expresses his desire to help the sacrificers at X.27.1
(asat su me jaritah sabhivego yat sunvate yajamanaya iiksam j) and
at X.49.1c (aham bhuvam yajamanasya codita). It is thus that he is
said to be contracting friendship with the sacrificer and avoiding
that with the non-sacrificer at X.42.4 (atra yujam krnute yo havisman,
nasunvata sakhyarii vasti surah ■).

In this way, we can visualize the very significant part played
by the patrons in the growth of the Rgvedic sacrifice. The general
tone of mutual co-operation, obligation and the consequent quest
for prosperity is too obvious to remain unnoticed. Whatever the
complications that developed in the social relationship in the later
days, they are conspicuous by their absence in the days of the Rgvedic
sacrifice, where a general feeling of amity and accommodation is
clearly perceptible in the expression of the priests about their
patrons, towards whom their attitude is one of respectful affection
occasionally interspersed with admiration and gratitude.

It is this well-balanced class-consciousness that developed a
healthy spirit of mutual co-operation which in its turn paved the
way for general prosperity and carried on the system of sacrifice
from strength to strength.

s. R.—13

Chapter Nine

REACTIONS TO THE GROWTH OF THE
SACRIFICE

a mar ? ^T^TRT'T fprfc i (rv v. 42 . 9 )

t n^5TT <ffr55TT ff JT^T I (RV X. 2.5)

SYNOPSIS :—

Opposition countenanced by the growing sacrifice both in physical and
ideological spheres—among the former, Panis and Dasyus prominent—Panis opposed
almost en bloc—the reason—their systematic efforts—Brbu, a convert—opponents
contrasted with sacrificing Aryans—‘anyavarta’, suggestive of some different form
of worship—V.20.2—other sections following a different mode of worship-'apavrata’
—V.42.9—some obstructions referred to—practices to undermine established ritual—
counteraction through sacrifices—

Challenge to the authority of the divinities—anti-Indra feeling denounced—
certain sections against Mitravaruna cult—‘ayajnasacah’ at VI.67.9—significance
explained—interesting points raised—Analysis of the attitude by the poet of X.2.—

Association of sacrifice with truth, indicating vital importance in the life of
the Aryans—word conveying the ideas about non-sacrifices—‘ayajyu’, ‘ayajna’....
etc.—some other non-sacrificers with certain practices without designations—
Muradevas etc. opposed to the Rgvedic ritual—summing up the indications—

Like all social institutions of importance, sacrifice too had to
countenance a good deal of opposition, particularly as it was evolving
a new ideology and a set of practices. It was both in physical as well
as ideological spheres.

Among those who raised physical obstacles in the way of sacri¬
ficial performances, the Panis and the Dasyus in general appear to
be quite prominent. Whatever their vocation or profession, the
Panis 1 appear to be opposed to the sacrifice as symbolic of the Aryan
way of life, as is indicated at a number of places in the Rgveda.
Thus the Panis are expected to be kept asleep as against the sacri¬
ficing patrons (1.124.10, prabodhaya usah prnato maghoni abudhya-
manah panayah sasantu; also IV.51.3). Indra is said to be keeping
aloof even from the richest of the Panis as they would not press out
the soma juice (IV.25.7, na revata panina sakhyamindro’sunvata
sutapah sarhgrnite). The sacrificers and the Panis are sharply con¬
trasted at VIII.97.2. At X.60.6 (panin nyakramlrabhi viivan rajan-
naradhasah), it is indicated how the Panis were almost en bloc
opposed to the sacrifice. Indra is said to be great, particularly as
he vanquished them (VIII.64.2). Panis are referred to as fools,

1. V.I. Vol. I. p. 460,

REACTIONS OF THE GROWTH

195

braggarts, etc., as they had no faith in the sacrifice and as such
were opposed to it at VII.6.3 (nyakratun grathino mrdhravacah
panihrasraddhan avrdhan ayajnanj). The attempt of the Panis to
steal away the cows of the gods appears to be a very systematic
effort to put obstacles in the way of the sacrificial performances.
It is however said to have been frustrated with the help of soma
sacrifices at 1.93.4 and at X.108.11, where Ahgirasas are referred to.
It is also indicated at VI.51.14 (gravanah soma no hi kam sakhi-
tvanaya vavasuh | jahi yantrinarh panim vrko hi §ah), where Soma
is asked to put down the wolf-like Panis.

It is interesting to note that Brbu is praised as a liberal donor
at VI.45.33 (brburh sahasradatamarh surim sahasrasatamam) and in
v.31, he is referred to as the best of the Papis (adhi brbuh paninam
varsisthe murdhanyasthat). This would indicate that the growing
cult of sacrifice had converted some of the non-sacrificers to it. It is
further supported by the mention of a Dasa chief called Balbutha
who is referred to in a Danastuti at VIII.46.32.

Another important Pani to be mentioned is Brsaya (1.93.4;
VI.61.3), who appears to have a number of followers (brsayasya
£e$ah). Saraswati, very closely associated with the Rgvedic sacrifice
has been asked to put down Brsaya and his followers as they were
opposed to the Aryan mode of worship as is indicated at VI.61.3
(Saraswati devanido ni barhaya prajam brsayasya mayinah).

Dasyus 2 3 appear to be an obstacle in the way of the general
progress of the Aryans. In the field of the sacrifice too, they appear
to have played their role of opposition. Thus they are contrasted
with the Aryans, who scatter the barhis grass in the sacrifice (1.51.8,
vijanihi aryan ye ca dasyavah | barhismate randhaya sasadavratan ||).
Aryans are said to be getting the better of the Dasyus because of
their sacrificial rites (VI.14.3 and IX.41.2). How far a dasyu is
away from the sacrificial cult of the Aryans is indicated at VIII.
70.11 (anyavratamamanusamay a j vanamadevayum j), where he has
been referred to as ‘anyavrata’ and hence ‘amanusa’ (inhuman).
This is further supported by another passage (X.22.8, akarma dasyuh
abhi no amantuh anyvrato amanusah) where too a different cult of
the Dasyus appears to be indicated. His dissociation from the Aryan
form of worship is indicated by the word ‘akarma . This mode of
worship is against the Agni worship of the Aryans as is made clear
at V.20.2, possibly with a different set of deities to be worshipped
as indicated by the epithet ‘adevayu’ and hence the Dasyus are

2. See Taruk^a.Chapter VIII.

3. cf. RRG p. 37; V.I. I, p. 347.

196

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

expected to be put down (tvam tasya vadharjambhaya) as non¬
sacrificing people (VIII.70.11, ayajvan; VII.6.3, ayajyu).

It was however not only the Dasyus, who had some different
observances, but there were some others as well who are referred
to as ‘apavratas’. Thus, pleading for help to a sacrificer, a poet is
emphasizing his point by drawing out contrast between certain pairs
at 1.51.8 (vijanihyaryan ye ca dasyavo barhismate randhaya sasada-
vratan j saki bhava yajamanasya coditajj), where a sacrificer with
barhis grass is contrasted with ‘avratas’. Similarly in v.9ab (anu-
vrataya randhayannapavratanabhubhirindrah snathayannanabhuvah|)
the ‘anuvratas’ are contrasted with the ‘apavratas’, who are apparently
engaged in different types of worship. At V.40.6, ‘apavrata’ is used
as an adjective of ‘tamas’ which has concealed the Sun (gulham
suryam tamasapavratena turiyena brahmanavindadatrih I), who is
said to be gained by a hymn associated with a soma sacrifice as
indicated in V.40.8 (gravno yuyujanah). ‘Tamas’ would thus appear
to refer to some magical practices as against the sacrificial rites of
the Aryans. At V.42.9 (apavratan prasave vavrdhanan brahma-
dvisah suryadyavayasva !;), it is indicated how the ‘apavratas’ are
against the hymns of the Aryans (brahmadvisah), though obviously
enjoying prosperity on account of certain performances of their
own (prasave vavrdhanan).

At V.42.10 (ya ohate raksaso devavitau acakrebhistam maruto
ni yata | yo vah samim sasamanasya nindat tucchyan kaman karate
sisvidanah ||), certain persons who would defile the Aryan rites by
bringing in the names of demons therein are referred to. They
would be toiling in performances of some rites of theirs (sisvidanah),
though they would revile the efforts of the Aryan worshippers.
The very trifling aims that such persons had in view are indicated
by ‘tucchyan kaman karate’, suggesting how the Aryan sacrificers
had nobler motives in their type of worship.

It is with these varying objections to the current ritual in view
that Visvamitra is expecting the favour of Agni against enmities
(III.18.1, purudruho hi k$itayo jananam | bhava no agne sumana
upetau I). It is also possible that he has in view certain other Aryan
worshippers, who were opposed to his experimentation with new
modes of worship.

In general, manifold opposition from varying sources, encoun¬
tered by the protagonists of the cult of sacrifice is referred to as
necessary to be overcome with the divine help at III.24.1 (du?tarasta-
rannaratirvarco dha yajnavahase). 4

4. It is adjective of gods at four places IV.47.3; VII.12.20; 1.862; 1.15.11; only
here and at III.8.3, it is used with yajamana, indicating their importance in the
sacrifice

REACTIONS OF THE GROWTH

197

Some of these non-sacrificers appear to be challenging the
authority of particular divinities or some specific modes of offering
worship to them. An interesting way of reviling the divinity was
resorted to possibly by some non-Aryans, who would prepare the
oblations and then swallow them by themselves, (cf. VII.18.16,
ardharii virasya srtapamanindram J. .. .para sardhantarh nunude etc).
Such persons are further referred to as ‘bahuksadah’ 5 6 at X.27.6
(darsannvatra srtapah anindran bahuksadah sarave patyamanan )).
A more audacious form of such open ridiculing and reviling of the
Aryan deities is referred to at 1.51.5 (tvam mayabhirapa mayino’
dhamah svadhabhirye adhi suptavajuhvata |), where those persons
are said to be invoking Indra and then placing the oblation in their
own mouths. This open defiance of certain divinities may be due
to mere audacity on the part of the non-sacrificers. 6 The poet of

V. 2, remarking that he has already enlisted the help of Agni by
offering him unmixed soma-juice talks defiantly about those anti-
Indra workers (v.3, dadano asmal amrtam viprkvat kim mamanindrah
krnavannanukthah; also X.48.7, kirn ma nindanti satravo’nindrah j),
suggesting that their position was weaker as they were not possessed
of powerful hymns (anukthah). This anti-Indra tendency is expected
to be put down by fostering Indra worship as indicated at 1.133.1;
IV.23.7.

Certain Aryans are also referred to as being against the Indra-
worship at X.38.3 (yo na dasa aryo va purustuta | adeva indra yudhaye
ciketati). Godlessness in general is said to be opposition to sacrifice
at VII.98.5 (yada idadevirasahista mayah athabhavat kevalah somo
asya; cf. also VIII.70.7).

Certain other persons, who are disposed against the worship
of Mitravaruna, are referred to along with similar other persons at

VI. 67.9 (Pra yadvaih mitravaruna spurdhan priya dhama yuvadhita
minanti | na ye devasa ohasa na martah ayajnasaco apyo na putrahji).
those persons are said to be working against Mitravaruna and
violating their laws. Apparently the non-Aryans are not intended
by the poet here, as they would never be expected to follow the
laws of Mitravaruna. So some Aryan worshippers, who were against
the Mitravaruna worship have been referred to as indicating their
stand. It is not clear as to what shape this violation of laws would
take but obviously it would be violation of an aspect or aspects of
sacrifice associated with them as would be indicated by their des¬
cription as ‘ayajnasacah’. The word is used only here and as such

5. cf. ‘mean offerers’—Griffith II p 417; Vel. B.U.J. XXI 1952 p. 6 ‘those (strong
enough )to dig with their arms;’ Say.—'who cut the (worshippers) to pieces
with their hands”.

6. whose boastfulness (vagvana) is referred to at X.132.2; cf. ‘aradhasah’ below.

198

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

appears to be specially coined by the poet for the purposes of con¬
veying his particular notion about them.

If they were non-Aryans or Aryans who merely opposed the
sacrifice, they could have been dismissed as audacious very easily.
But it could not be so easily done. They were not quite ordinary
mortals (na martah) and at the same time the poet is reluctant to
give them the place of divinity (na ye devasah ohasa). So in all
probability, they were persons who had rendered some signal service
to the sacrifice like the Rbhus and were demanding a place among
the divinities side by side with Mitravaruna but as it was not forth¬
coming, 7 they were opposing the claims of Mitravaruna.

Such persons however were not exceptions as indicated in d,
where apyah putrah’ 8 are similarly said to be ‘ayajnasacah’.

Such opposition used to arise mainly on account of the claims
of certain worshippers that their desired divinities were greater
than the others as indicated at VI.67.10 (ad vam bravama satyan-
yuktha na kirdevebhiryatatho mahitva j). These rivalries must have
given some impetus to the idea of sacrifice but in certain instances
like these they must also have been putting obstacles in the way of
its growth by raising the number of opponents.

Some of these non-believers in the sacrifice of the Aryan concep¬
tion appear to raise objections regarding the appearance of the divi¬
nity to receive the oblations in the sacrifice. Thus the poet of X.39.5
(purana vam virya pra brava jane) indicates how the non-believers
used to consider the descriptions of the poets as fancies of the by¬
gone days and hence to convince them, requests the divinities to
appear so that the objectors may believe (ta vam nu navyavavase
karamahe | ayam nasatya srad ariryatha dadhatjj).

The poet of X.2, analysing the attitude of such non-believers,
attributes it to a defect in their power of understanding things. Thus
he remarks in v.5 (yat pakatra manasa dinadak^a na yajnasya
manvate martasah | agni?tad hota kratuvid vijanan yajistho devan
rtuso yajati |j) that mortals do not take to the sacrifice on account of
the weakness of their mind and understanding (pakatra manasa and
dlnadak$ah). Agni is however said to be the best sacrificer (yaj?tho),
as he is not subject to these human limitations (cf. X.2.1, ‘hotrnama-
yajisthah). The poet is therefore expecting guidance by following

7. possibly because the service was not considered worthwhile to gain divinity
as in the case of the Rbhus.

8. Say. renders ‘apyah’ = ‘Karmavantah’ and na putrah z= ‘na prnantah, which
appears farfetched; Ludwig takes Api to be the name of a lady, who is not
referred to elsewhere.

REACTIONS OF THE GROWTH

199

the path of the gods (v.3, a devanamapi panthamaganma yacchakna-
vama tadanu pravolhurh) particularly as Agni can make good certain
defects being an expert hotr (v.4, agnistad visvamaprnati vidvan).

The non-sacrificers are referred to by various epithets and in
general they are expected to be punished for the sake of the sacrificers,
showing how the Rgvedic poets considered them to be a hindrance
in the way of the progress of the cult of the sacrifice which they
had come to identify with the progress of the Aryan society in
general. Thus Indra is said to be remarking at X.27.1 (asat su me
jaritah sabhivego, yatsunvate yajamanaya siksam | anasirdamah-
amasmi prahanta satyadhvftam vrjinayantamabhum |j) that he helps
the sacrificer against the non-sacrificer, who is said to be the violator
of truth (satyadhvrt), indicating that sacrifice had come to be identi¬
fied with truth.

AYAJYU :

The word is used at five places in the Rgveda, where the non-
sacrificers are said to be thrown down by the divinity or as weaker
in comparison with the sacrificers. cf. 1.121.13 (api kartamavartayah
ayajyun); 1.131.4 (sasastamindra martyamayajyum); II.26.1 (yajva
idayajyoh vibhajati bhojanam); VII.6.3 (quoted above); VII.83.7
(dasa raj an ah samita ayajyavah sudasam na yuyudhuh) where the
ten kings are said to have proved incompetent in the presence of
Sudas because of the effective sacrificial performances of Vasisthas
(7c, satya nrnamadmasadamupastutih |).

AYAJVAN :

The word is used seven times in the Rgveda, where generally
non-sacrificers are said to be losing in general to the sacrificers,
mainly at the hands of Indra. cf. 1.33.4 (ayajvanah sanakah preti-
mlyuh), where the ‘sanakas’ 9 are said to be suffering having been
non-sacrificers.

At 1.33.5 (para cicchirsa vavrjusta indrayajvano yajvabhih
spardhamanah). The non-sacrificers are said to have clashed with
the sacrificers and in course of time, to have been scattered away
by the intervention of Indra.

At 1.103.6 (ya adrtya paripanthiva surah ayajvano vibhajanneti
vedah ]). Indra is said to be forcibly depriving the non-sacrificer
of his wealth even like a highway robber. At VII.61.4 (ayanmasa
ayajvanamavirah pra yajnamanma vrjanam tirate), sacrifice is indi-

9. Vel. B.U.J. XVII 1948 p. 11 considers them to be ‘early prototypes of the
Partis’; they are perhaps persons who are opposed to the sacrifice from very
old days.

200

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

cated as an incentive for the stabilisation of the household and the
non-sacrifieers are said to be remaining without hero-sons. At VIII.
31.15-18 (devanam ya inmano yajamana iyaksatyabhldayajvano
bhuvat), as a refrain of four verses in different metres, it appears
to be emphatically stated how sacrificers surpass the non-sacrificers.
At VIII.70.11 (quoted above), it is indicated how an ‘anyavrata’ can
be as good as a non-sacrifieer. At X.49.1 (aham bhuvam yajama-
nasya coditayajvanah saksi visvasminbhare), Vaikuntha Indra is said
to emphasize how he defeats the non-sacrificers in battles, indicating
how Indra worship gave a great impetus to the cause of the sacrifice.

AYAJftA :

The word is used twice in the Rgveda, where Indra and Agni
are said to have thrown down the non-sacrificers. At VII.6.3 (quoted
above), Panis are referred to as ‘ayajna’ as they did not believe in
the Aryan mode of worship (asraddha). At X.138.6 (eta tya te
srutyani kevala yadeka ekamakrnoh ayajnam), the credit of over¬
throwing the non-sacrificer is given solely to Indra, indicating how
with the predominance of Indra worship in the tradition of the
sacrifice, the non-sacrificing element was practically eliminated.

ANAHUTI :

The word is referred to once in the Rgveda in the sense of
‘absence of sacrificial performances’ which is mentioned as a social
calamity side by side with diseases at X.63.12 (apamivamapa viiva-
manahutimaparatim durvidatramaghayatah j are deva dveso asma-
dyuyotamoru nah sarma yacchata svastaye jj) and which is expected
to be removed for the social good (svasti).

AHAVIH :

The word is used only once in the Rgveda at 1.182.3 (kimatra
dasrah kmuthah kimasathe, jano yah kascidahavir mahiyate ]
atikramistam juratam panerasum |[), indicating how there were some
persons who were glorified though they would not offer oblations
and hence Asvins are incited not to accept the worship of those
people.

APRNAT:

The word is used thrice in the Rgveda to indicate persons who
do not offer gifts either to the gods or the priests in the sacrifices.
Thus at V.7.10, they are said to be overcome by Atri, a sacrificer.
At V.42.9ab (visarmanam krnuhi vittamesam ye bhunjate aprnanto
na ukthaih), an interesting section of people, who wanted to derive
the benefits of sacrifice without adequately compensating the priests
for their labours, is referred to. At V.44.1 also the word appears to

REACTIONS OF THE GROWTH

201

be used in the same sense, where they are indicated to be as bad as
the non-soma-pressers (jahi asusvin pravrha aprnatah).

ASUSVIH :

Indra is said to be severing all connection with them as they
would not press out the soma juice so that they would have almost
no social standing as indicated at IV.25.6 (nasusverapirna sakha na
jamih). Soma is said to be segregating them from the soma-sacrificers
at IV.24.5. Indra is asked to strike them down at VI.44.1 (see above).

ASUNVAN:

The opposition faced by Indra-worship even in open assemblies
is indicated at VIII.14.15 (asunvamindra samsadam visucim vyana-
sayah ■ somapa uttaro bhavan), where the super soma-drinker Indra
is said to have disintegrated a group isamsad) of non-soma-pressers.

ASUNVAT:

The word is used eight times in the Rgveda in the above sense,
some of whom are said to be quite powerful but ultimately put
down by Indra. Thus at 1.101.4 (vlloscidindro yo asunvato vadhah),
Indra is said to be killing even the mighty non-soma-presser. At
1.110.7 (yusmakarii deva avasahani priye’bhi tisthema prtsutirasun-
vatam), Rbhus, who also were connected with a soma sacrifice, 10
are requested to afford protection against such persons. At IV.25.7
(qoted above), V.34.5 and X.42.4, Indra is said to be dissociating
himself from such persons. At 1.176.4, V.34.6, Indra is described
as scattering away such persons and prospering the sacrificers.

ADAMAN:

Out of the two passages, 11 only once, the word is used in the
sense of those who do not give gifts at the sacrifices (cf. VI.44.12,
ma tvadamanah adabhan maghonah) where Indra is warned against
some rich persons who do not give gifts (in sacrifices).

ARARIVAS :

The word is used nine times in the Rgveda in the sense of
persons who do not give gifts either to the gods or the priests. At

I. 18.3, as a sacrificer the poet expects to be kept away from such
a person. At 1.147.4, such a person is said to be indulging in double¬
dealing (marcayati dvayena) and as such is expected to come to grief
by his own words (anumrkslsta tanvam duruktaih). At 1.150.2, such
a person is said to be rich and still never bringing offerings to the

10. Vide my paper on Rbhus: B.U.J. 1952.

II. VI.24.4; VI.44.12.

202

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

gods (vyaninasya dhaninah prahose cidararusah). At III.18.2, VII.
1.13, VII.56.19, 94.8, the ill-will (‘karhsa’; ‘dhurti’; ‘dvesah’) of such
a person is referred to and is expected to be kept away. He is said
to be ‘greedy’ at V.77.1 (grdhradararusah).

ADA6U:

At 1.174.6, the word is used in the sense of those, who oppose
the friends of Indra i.e., the sacrificers.

ADASURIH :

It is used once in the Rgveda at VIII.45.15, where the person is
referred to as a rich person, who even slights Indra and as such is ex¬
pected to be punished. It may merely indicate that such persons were
niggardly and would not feel like spending their wealth in the
sacrifices. This shows how the protagonists of the Rgvedic sacrifice
believed in a noble ideal underlying the sacrifice even as it is indi¬
cated by the denunciation of such persons in the Gita (III.13, bhunjate
te tvagharh papa ye pacantyatmakaranat |).

ADASVAS:

The word is used four times in the Rgveda indicating the non¬
givers (of offerings in the sacrifice), whose wealth is expected to
be given to the sacrificer at 1.81.9, VII.19.1, VIII.81.7, IX.23.3.

ARAVAN:

The word is used in the sense of non-givers like Ararivas and
they are expected to be struck down (VII.31.5, randhih; IX.13.9,
apaghnantah; IX.61.23, etc.). They are said to be mortals as well as
demons (VIII.28.4, arava martyah; VIII.60.10, pahi visvasmad rak^aso
aravnah). The ill-will of those persons as in the case of ‘ararivas’
is referred to at 1.36.15 (pahi dhurteh aravnah). cf. also X.37.12
(arava yo no abhi ducchunayate).

ARADHAS:

The word is used six times in the Rgveda, where those persons
who do not give gifts are contrasted with the sacrificers. At 1.84.8,
Indra is asked to trample under his feet the non-sacrificers like weed.
At V.61.6 and X.60.6, Panis are so referred to (see above). At
IX.101.13 (pra sunvanasyandhaso marto na vrta tadvacah | apa
svanamaradhasam hata makhaih na bhrgavah), such a person is
denounced as a dog (apa svanam hata). The poet expresses the
desire that such a mortal may not be able to suppress the voice of
the soma juice (ab). At X.32.2 (ye tva vahanti muhuradhvaran
upa te su vanvantu vagvanan aradhasah), the bragging non-sacrificers

REACTIONS OF THE GROWTH

203

are referred to indicating how they must be boasting of their way of
life and reviling the prevalent mode of worship.

AVRATA:

The word ‘vrata’ is used in a wider sense of the ordinances of
the gods. ‘Avrata’ appears to be used in the sense of those who
are opposed to the cult of divine worship in general. It is thus that
the dasyus are referred to as ‘avrata’ at 1.101.2, 1.175.3, IX.41.2.
Indra is said to have taken a very firm stand against them and wiped
them off (1.33.5, yaddivo. . . . niravratan adhamo rodasyoh; cf. also
1.130.8, 175.3, VIII.97.3). At VI.14.3 (turvanto dasyumayavo vrataih
siksanto avratam), the ‘avrata’ is sought to be overcome by ‘vrata’
indicating his non-sacrificing character. The contrast between the
‘avratas’ and the sacrificers is obviously stressed at 1.130.8 (indrah

samatsu yajamanamaryam pravad.manave sasadavratan). The

opposition of ‘avrata’ to soma-sacrifice is indicated at 1.132.4
(sunvadbhyo randhaya kamcidavratarh). Dasyus are so referred to
at 1.51.8 (quoted above).

ADEVAYU:

The word is used only once at 11.26.1 (see under ‘ayajyu’ above).
ADEVATRA:

It is used only at V.61.6 (see under Panis above).

ADEVAYU:

The word is used in the sense of people who were opposed to
Indra worship at VII.93,5 (adevayum vidathe devayubhih satra
hatam somasuta janena ), where Indragni .are requested to strike
down the ‘adevayu’ and stand by the soma-pressers. They are
referred to as opposed to Indra worship at X.27.2, 3. Soma is asked
to drive them away at IX.63.24. They are mentioned along with
other non-sacrificers (e.g., with ‘ararivas’ at 1.150.2; with ‘ayajvan’
and ‘anyavrata’ at VIII.70.11; with ‘avrata’ at VIII.97.3), indicating
their opposition to Rgvedic sacrifice in general.

ADEVA:

The word 12 is used in singular in the sense of one who opposes
the gods in general and placing obstacles in the way of the sacrificial
performances in general. He is referred to as opponent of Indra,
who was chosen as the leader of the gods (cf. VI. 17.8, adha tva visve
pura indra deva ekam tavasarh dadhire bharaya j adevo yadabhyau-
h4ta devan). The mentality of persons who are opposed to the

12. It is used as adjective of Vrtra at III32.6 and of ‘asuras’ at VI1I.96.9, where
they are expected to be scattered by Indra.

204 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

followers of the sacrifice is referred to as ‘adeva’ at 11.23.12. They
were expected to be putting obstacles in the way of the arrival of
the gods at VI.18.11 and X.37.3 (na te adevah pradivo nivasate) and
offerings at VIII.70.7 (na simadeva apadisam dlrghayo martyah).
They appear to be considered as very mischievous as they are said
to be carrying away the gifts given by the divinities and hence
protection is expected from the divinity (cf. VIII.71.8, agne makiste
devasya ratimadevo yuyota). They are referred to as ‘dasa’ or
‘arya’ at X.38.3 (yo no dasa aryo va purustuta adevah indra yudhaye
ciketati |), indicating that even among the Aryans there was a section
opposed to the worship of the divinity which was however put down
as the Indra-worship triumphed.

ADEVIH :

The word is used as an attribute of a group of people or then-
power, which appear to be instrumental in creating certain obstacles
in the sacrificial performances. Such groups and tendencies are
expected to be destroyed by Indra and other gods. Thus establish¬
ments and groups of the non-sacrificers are referred to by the word
at 1.174.8 (bhinat puro na bhido adevlh); V.2.10; VI.25.9; VIII.96.15.
The powers and missiles of this section are said to be obstructing
either the divinity or the worshipper at V.2.9; VII.1.10; VIII.61.16.

These godless tendencies, being removed are said to be paving
the way for sacrificial performances. Thus it is said at VII.98.5
(yadedadevlrasahista mayah | athabhavat kevalah somo asya jj), that
Indra received the soma juice after he had put them down. It is
also indicated how the idea of sacrifice was growing with the idea
of divinity.

BRAHMADVISAH :

The word is used about a dozen times in the Rgveda in the
general sense of those who are opposed to the hymns, to the divini¬
ties and their worship in general. As hymns were widely associated
with the sacrificial performances, opposition to hymns meant opposi¬
tion to the sacrifice as well. Thus the gods have been asked to
strike down such persons at II.23.4; III.30.17; V.42.9; VI.22.8; 52.2,
3; VII.104.2; VIII.45.23; 64.; X.36.9. At X.160.4, they are contrasted
with the soma-pressers and their role as non-sacrificers is clearly
indicated.

The ‘anrcah’ are similarly expected to be overcome with the
help of hymns (and sacrifices) at X.105.8.

Some of the non-sacrificers are referred to as opposed to certain
aspects of the sacrificial performances merely in contrast with

REACTIONS OF THE GROWTH

205

others who perform the sacrifices. Thus after describing some of
the sacrificers at 1.122.8, the poet refers to some who do not press
out the soma-juice at 1.122.9 (na vam sunoti) and expects them to
be punished. Similarly cf. ‘devanidah’ at 1.152.2 and others who
do not offer oblations in the sacrifices at X.79.1.

After describing the brahmins who sacrifice at X.71.8, the poet
of the hymn is referring to others who are their opposites in v.9.
(ime ye narvanna parascaranti na brahmanaso na sutekarasah | ta
ete vacamabhipadya papaya sirlstantram tanvate aprajajhayah j|).
The movements referred to in ‘a’, the pressing of soma juice in ‘b’,
and the metaphor of weaving in ‘d’ make clear the point of descrip¬
tion here, ‘c’ very possibly refers to the mispronunciations of the
hymns. The ignorance of such persons is indicated by their being
called ‘aprajajnayah’. The reference to sacrificing priests in X.71.11
also indicates the non-sacrificing character of the people referred
to in v.9. At X.131.2, some persons, who do not participate in the
arrangement of the sacrificial grass (and consequently the perform¬
ances) are referred to (ye barhiso namovrktim na jagmuh).

Some persons indulging in undesirable or censurable modes of
worship appear to be indicated by the words ‘muradevah’ (at VII.
104.24, X.87.2, 14), ‘anrtadevah’ (at VII.104.14) and ‘sisnadevah’ (at
VII.21.5; X.99.3).

Like ‘brahmadvi§ah’, who are expected to be kept away from
the bright Sun (V.42.9, suryad yavayasva), the ‘muradevas’ are
expected not to see even the bright sun rising (ma te drsan suryamu-
ccarantam). Vasistha’s protestation at VII.104.14 (yadi vahamanrta-
deva asam) indicates that such persons were associated with some
objectionable practices with which respectable priests of the time
did not want to be associated.

It may be noted that the reference to ‘sisnadevas’ occurs at two
places, where Indra is being praised. Though there is a general
mention of ‘vi§una jantu’ at VII.21.5c, indicating the revilers, the
reference to ‘yatu’, ‘vandana’ and ‘sisnadevas’ indicates their dis¬
tinctive existence and practices. Those practices were apparently
considered as repugnant by the protagonists of the Rgvedic sacrifice,
as is indicated by the request at VII.21.5 (ma sisnadeva api gurrtam
nah) that they should not be allowed to approach the sacrificial
performances of the Aryan worshippers. They appear to have a
fairly good following as a god like Indra was required to overpower
them X.99.3 (ghnan sisnadevah abhi varpasa bhut).

Thus it can be seen that during the course of its growth, the
sacrifice has encountered manifold opposition but still has grown

206

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

from strength to strength on account of the increasing interest
taken in its growth by an overwhelming majority of people in the
Aryan society. This opposition was both from Aryan as well as
non-Aryan sources. The growth of Indra worship however appears
to have set at rest all such opposing elements. A more subtle type
of opposition appears to have been offered by persons, who would
question the validity and efficacy of the existing ritual or would
oppose the worship of certain divinities by questioning or challenging
their authority. But the intellectual and cultural background of
the society combined with the soundness of the ideology being
evolved through the sacrifice, appears to have helped the Aryan
ritual to stand against its rivals.

Sacrifice was associated with all that was noble and glorious
in human life by the denunciation of the non-sacrificers as being
away from humanity and truth (VIII.70.11 and X.27.1 quoted above).
It is this essentially intellectual appeal that appears to have gone
a long way in stabilising the influence of the sacrifice in the days
of the Rgveda.

The foundation of the idea of the sacrifice has been laid on a
firm footing by denouncing the idea of ‘not giving gifts’ (either to
the gods or the sacrificing priests) and by emphasizing the desira¬
bility of equitable distribution of wealth. It is for this reason that
the non-sacrificers have been denounced in no unmistakable terms
at various places and their wealth expected to be distributed.

Chapter Ten

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE RGVEDIC
SACRIFICE

ZT5T^T ’TSJPTI (RV. X. ;>3-3)

3rfip<F% arfaf^f «rr*r t 7- ^ n^r srer i (rv. x. isi-2 )

SYNOPSIS :

Mysticism—primitive—its characteristics—Macnicol’s view about ‘mystical
affinities’—hymns experimenting with the idea of divinity—sacrifice as means—
range of human thought from magic to mysticism—Dr. Deshmukh’s view about
the two—

Divinities not conceived as spirits—traces of magic in the RV—elevation of
thought in spiritual aspects—progressive spiritualisation of the idea—‘emotional ap¬
proach’ to divinities expounded by Prof. Velankar rules out magic as basis—the
idea of ‘mystery’ combined with that of a ‘higher reality’, nearer to mysticism—
Macdonell’s view regarding the Rgvedie ritual examined—mystical element in
different aspects of sacrifice—certain rites—the role of Agni—mystical significance
of certain materials—soma ghrta at IV. 58.1-3—Svaha, svadha and vasat—

Indication of associations of certain figures—secret name to the divinity in
the sacrifice—mystical role of some hymns—metres—11.18 discussed—VI.9, probing
into the mystery of sacrifice—some other hymns—Haug’s view regarding X.61.1-2
—general tendency to trade brahmanic ideas in the Rgvedie sacrifice—

Mystical element in the course of the evolution of the idea of sacrifice—cause
of later deterioration on the analogy about the Gita.

In theory, mysticism is said to be “the historic doctrine of the
relationship and potential union of the human soul with the Ultimate
Reality” and in practice, ‘the mystical experience’ is said to be
direct intercourse with God’. 1

In this technical sense, it would be true to say that “the indi¬
cations of mystic attitude in the Rgvedie period are but few” and
“the religion of the hymns in the Rgveda is objective in character.” 2
At the same time, however, it should be obvious that the hymns of
the Rgveda do not appear to be illustrative of the Primitive type
of Mysticism, 3 which is characterized by a sort of ‘mystical union’
in the magic practices thereof. Discussing this aspect of the primi¬
tive religion E. Lehmann remarks, “Religious mysticism as an intui¬
tive and ecstatic union with the deity, by contemplative practices,
is very rarely found among the primitive races. They lack the idea
of God as a spiritual Universal being, which is theoretical presup-

1. ERE IX. p. 83b—R. M. Jones.

2. ERE IX. p. 114b Macnicol.

3. ERE IX. p. 85a E. Lehmann.

208

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

position of the elevating of the mind; and their lower stage of
reflexion does not allow the series of abstractions and psychological
analysis ordinarily involved in the practices of the mystics.” 4

N. Macnicol believed that the real mystical attitude was possible
in the case of God Varuna, where however ‘unmystical attitude’ is
perceptible. He makes note of 'some mystic affinities’ (in X.190)
or “a different kind of mysticism” (in X.90). 5

Thus it would be clear that the theoretical and practical aspects
of mysticism require a well-defined and clear-cut idea about the
individual souls as well as the spiritual experience of the individual
in his relationship with the Higher Reality. The hymns of the
Rgveda, while evolving the idea of divinity appear to be experi¬
menting with the various aspects and forms of the same, 6 with the
sacrifice as a means of this experimentation. It is through the
medium of the sacrifice that the thinkers of the time appear to
shape their ideas about Religion and Philosophy. 7

It is true that a definite idea about the relationship of the indivi¬
dual soul and the Higher Reality has not been forthcoming from the
hymns of the Rgveda. It is also true that hymns of magical charac¬
ter are to be come across even in the Rgveda. But the proportion
of such hymns to the others of a general religious character is so
insignificantly small, that it is impossible to infer therefrom a purely
magical origin of the idea of the Rgvedic sacrifice. The classification
of human experience of a special character into two aspects of primi¬
tive and non-primitive types is certainly not very much the correct
way of analysing this experience. From magic, characterizing the
primitive idea of religion to mysticsm of the higher spiritual charac¬
ter is a long jump. Human thought cannot justifiably be under¬
stood as taking this long jump in one stride. If we allow the hymns
of the Rgveda with all the diversity of their contents slide before
our eyes, trailing the story of the progress of the Aryan thought in
its spiritual aspect, we can clearly visualise it as progressing by
gradual stages. In fact there appears to be conscious attempt at
progressive evolution of the conception about the spiritual Reality
from the gross to the subtle, from the obviously manifest to the
mystically unmanifest aspects. 8 In the light of this range of thought,
when we try to determine a place for an overwhelming majority
of the hymns of the Rgveda, which deal with the idea of gods, reli-

4. Ibid.

5. ERE IX. p. 114.

6. Vide Chapter III.

7. of. Chapter XIII and BV Vol. XII 1951 pp. 163-171.

8. Deussen (History of philosophy Vol. I, part i p. 119) wrote about X.129 ‘in
loftiness of its philosophic vision, it is possibly the most admirable bit of
philosophy of olden times”. Bloomfield (RVB p. 234) quotes Whitney who
considered these unlimited praises of the hymn as “well-nigh nauseating”.

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

209

gion and sacrifice, it is not quite easy to stamp them as based on a
sort of refined magic as some scholars have done (see below).

If the deities were conceived merely as some spirits, over whom
the priests had a control by means of the performances of certain
rites, the religion of the Rgveda could have been considered to be
magical in character and the sacrifice as having a purely magical
origin. But the general trend of the hymns does not appear to indi¬
cate such a conception about the divinities, nor are the poets referred
to as dominating over the divinities (vide Chapter VII). The nature
of the sacrifice in general too does not give an impression of growing
with any magical purpose in view.

Dr. Deshmukh 9 has expounded the view that the religion of
the Rgveda has not grown out of the idea of magic and though the
magic did exist, it existed as an unimportant growth side by side
with the idea of religion and as corollaries has drawn two more
valid inferences viz., “Prayer is not derived from charm” and
“Priests were not at first magicians”. He has referred to Olden-
berg’s view 10 regarding the vedic ritual being overgrown with
magical practices and pointed out the obvious drawbacks of the
same. We believe with Dr. Deshmukh that magic and religion grow
on account of two entirely different psychological tendencies, which
run parallel to each other and as in the famous illustration of
Sankara, are like the two horns of a bullock, which do not grow
one out of the other. Magic, religion and mysticism thus owe their
origin to a varying psychological background and hence merely
because the Rgvedic religion or sacrifice is ancient, it cannot be
conveniently regarded as magical in character as a number of
scholars have been tempted to do.

This can be further substantiated by taking into account a good
deal of other evidence, furnished by the hymns of the Rgveda.

Thus the idea and practice of magic appears to be known to
some of the poets of the Rgvedic hymns. 11 But though being within
the range of their sight, it has not vitiated their ideas about religion,
divinities and sacrifice which they appear to be consciously evolving
through their compositions. They have obviously steered clear of
the common rut, through which they have had to pass.

It becomes clearer from the existence of a number of hymns,
philosophical in character, which try to formulate the idea of a
Higher Reality, underlying the existing universe. These hymns indi¬
cate the progressive aspect of the religious thought, which could
become the basis of higher religious mysticism later on.

9. RVL p. 45.

10. Ibid. p. 49.

11. Chapter VII, particularly under ‘Vasisthas’.

S.R.—14

210

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

A glance at the nature and characteristics of different divini¬
ties should also make clear the fact that whatever their origin, there
is a clear and definite attempt on the part of the Rgvedic poets to
elevate them in their spiritual aspect. What has been designated
as ‘Henotheism’ or ‘Kathenotheism’ by Max Muller is also clearly
an attemplt in this very direction to see that the spiritual height of
that divinity is raised, may be for the purposes of the ritual as
Bloomfield imagines. 12

In this connection, the conception of the Visvedevas is also
worthy of note. The implications of it as far as the sacrifice in the
Rgveda is concerned have been discussed elsewhere. 13 When the
sacrifices were being offered to individual divinities, big and small,
the idea of offering the same to a combined group of divinities cannot
be imagined as magical in its origin; because, as so many spirits,
meant to fulfil the diverse needs of the worshippers, their combina¬
tion would be unimaginable. It was apparently rendered possible
by a certain measure of spiritual similarity and affinity between
them. The fact that the idea of a single divinity could be ultimately
evolved out of almost a crowd of individual divinities is due to the
fact that a single compact group was the intermediate stage between
the two. Different spirits cannot by the same process be imagined
to have been combined into one single spirit. Thus it is this spiritual
aspect of the idea of divinity which came to be increasingly em¬
phasized as is illustrated in the famous passage (1.164.46, ekam sad
vipra bahudha vadanti. ...) and the existence of this process of
thought-evolution rules out of possibility a magical origin for the
idea of divinity and consequently the sacrifice.

A glimpse into the emotional approach to the idea of divinity
on a sound intellectual basis of the hymns, artistically composed
for the purpose by the poets, can be obtained from the nature of
the conception of ‘devotion’ as expounded by Prof. Velankar. 14 The
emphasis, thus in the approach to the divinity, is on propitiation
and not on dictation. As this is sought to be done through the
medium of sacrifice, it cannot be conceived as having been based
on magic, because magic presupposes the idea of dictation.

Thus while the thinkers are slowly but steadily defining their
relationship with the divinity on an intellectual and emotional plane
of thought, a touch of mystery has occasionally crept in. Sacrifice
as the medium of this expression has also come to be looked at with
the same mood of mystification. It is not mere mystery as percepti¬
ble in the early magic. At the same time, it has not reached the

12. RVB p. 199 “Their rotation in the ritual, rather than forgetfulness of the
virtues of the preceeding gods, is the truth at the bottom of this Henotheism”.

13. Chapters III and XI under ‘Visvedevas 7 .

14. RBV 1952.

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

211

higher standards of mysticism because the ideas about individual
soul and the Higher Reality have not come to be formulated so
clearly as required for the purpose. But at the same time it is note¬
worthy that the idea of divinity is being progressively evolved and
elevated to a higher plane of spiritual Reality. Thus a note of mys¬
tery or mystification perceptible in the description of the sacrifice
can be more fittingly designated as the ‘the mystical element in the
sacrifice’, because in its tone, it is nearer to the mysticism than to the
magic.

Macdonell has taken a different view. 16 He admits that the
number of hymns purely magical in character is very small (p. 312),
and that “the essential character of vedic religion is propitiatory
and persuasive”; but ultimately concludes that the vedic sacrifices
are ‘saturated with magical observances’, (p. 312).

About magic he remarks, “magic endeavours to gain its ends
by influencing the course of events without the intervention of
divine beings—so its essential character is coercive.” But as this
characteristic of the magical aspect is visible in a negligible number
of hymns, he says (p. 312b) “An examination of the ritual literature
shows that the dividing line between a sacrificial act, which is meant
to propitiate the gods and a magical act, which is intended to control
the course of things, is by no means always definite, but that the
two are often intermingled.”

Thus he sees magical note in X.98, 1.83.4, 5, VII.76.4, X.62.3,
68.11, and X.33. Regarding the soma ritual, he says that the follow¬
ing references are magical in character (IX.49.1, 97.17, 106.9, 108.9),
where according to him soma brings rain without the intervention
of the gods.

With due regard to the great scholar, it must be said that his
exposition of this aspect of the sacrifice is neither satisfactory nor
convincing. The inconsistency involved in his statements quoted
earlier is too obvious to require any comment. The individual
passages referred to by him are being considered below. But it
has to be noted that the peculiar view that he has takn appears to
be due to his preconceived notion that the Rgvedic sacrifice is almost
the same as the later sacrifice. The dearth of passages from the
Rgveda to substantiate his view has led him to imagine that magic
pervades the performances though not the hymns. He accounts
for its absence in the hymns by saying that “the prayers being
addressed to the great gods, offered few opportnities for references
to magical practices.” (p. 312a). It is obviously untenable; because
if the magical influence was required, the hymns could have been

15. ERE Vol. VIII ‘Vedic Magic”; (pp. 311-321). cf. Keith—RPV p. 379 “we cannot.

believe that there was ever a time when the vedic sacrifice was not filled

with magic elements”.

212

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

fashioned accordingly. In fact the hymns have been fashioned
according to the purpose they had in view. This attempt therefore
of seeing in the hymns, what does not exist in them cannot be
substantiated by any type of reasoning whatsoever. The remark
about the priests merely appears to be meant to rope them in as
they were participating in the ritual performances which he con¬
siders to be ‘saturated with magic’. The role of the priests has been
considered elsewhere (vide Chapter VII) and it can be observed
clearly that they never mixed up magic with the idea of the
sacrifice. 16

Macdonell’s remark (p. 313a) that “Long before the RV., the
magician has turned into a priest” would indicate consciousness on
his part of the higher aspects of divinity that the poets were propi¬
tiating through the sacrifices. He however proceeds by saying that
‘“yet even in the earliest period, the sacrificial priest was a magician
as well” (p. 313b) and tries to substantiate it by saying, “It cannot
be supposed that even the most advanced minds among the priests
regarded prayer and sacrifice as the only means of securing welfare,
while rejecting magic, as an effective and reprehensible supersti¬
tion.” (p. 313b).

This will sufficiently make it clear how the scholar appears to
be vacillating between the two ends, not being able to make up
his mind regarding the real state of affairs. His attempt to analyse
the source of this magical influence at (p. 313a), “The gradual mix¬
ture of the religious and the magical in the direction of the latter
led the whole system of sacrifice to assume this character in the
later vedic period,” can also be realised as not at all convincing.

The predominant religious tone of the hymns, rising on occasions
to higher mystical plane is too obvious either to be ignored or to
be explained off. From whichever plane it has originated, to which¬
ever plane it may have degenerated in the days that followed, the
plane at which it stands in the days of the Rgveda, can by no stretch
of imagination be described as being magical in character.

A consideration of the passages would further make it clear
how they also do not support any idea of magic.

X.98 : Vide Chapter XI.

1.83.4-5 : The poet while describing Indra, refers to Angirasas
and Atharvan as having attained the results through sacrifices (in
honour of Indra, who is under description) as indicated by
‘iddhagnayah samya ye sukrtyaya’ and “yajnairatharva prathamah
pathastate”. When thus their power is said to be coming through

16. cf. Dr. Deshmukh quoted above, pp. 141-42.

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE 213

the sacrifice to Indra, it cannot be described as ‘directly influencing
things and events’. 1

VII.76.4 associates the pitrs with the gods (ta iddevanam sadha-
mada asan) and thus the function associated with the gods naturally
comes to be associated with them. In no way can the intervention
of the gods be said to be considered as dispensable here.

X.62 : Vide Chapter XI.

X.68.11 : The Pitrs are associated with Brhaspati (brhaspatirbhi
nadadriiii etc.). For explanation, cf. VII.76.4 above.

III. 33 . Visvamitra has clearly emphasized the role of Indra
in the flowing of the rivers (v. 3, 6, ‘indro asmanaradad vajrabahuh’)
and described how they were perfectly under his control (tasya
vayam prasave yama urvih). It is as a devotee of Indra that he is
requesting the rivers and the rivers are yielding to him. There is
no idea of Indra’s help having been dispensed with by the poet for
the attainment of the desired result.

Regarding the passages from the ninth mandala, where soma
is described as bringing rain, it is not the soma-offering that is said
to be bringing rain but Soma as the divinity who is doing so and
hence they do not indicate any magic in the soma-ritual as Macdonell
imagines.

Regarding ‘Diksa’ and ‘Avabhrtha’ he says 18 that they are
‘probably known to the Rgveda’ and that they are ‘ancient types of
magical rites’. It may be noted that he does not refer to any passage,
which he construes as a reference to ‘diksa’. As a matter of fact
‘diksa’ is not referred to in the Rgveda at all. Avabhrtha is also
referred to only once (VIII.93.23). 19 As the offerings (hotra) are
said to be flowing towards ‘avabhrtha’ in the place of sacrifice
(adhvare) in honour of Indra (indicated by indraih vrdhasah), there
is no possibility whatsoever of ‘avabhrtha’ being imagined as asso¬
ciated with magic.

Thus magic cannot be considered as associated either with the
origin of the sacrifice or with any other aspect of its performance
during the course of its growth in the days of the Rgveda. It can
however be seen that a kind of mystical element has come to be
associated with the sacrificial performance in its various aspects
so as to lead it to the divinity with a sort of mysterious source of
strength.

Thus a sacrificial ritual of some mystical significance is referred
to at 1.72.6 (trih sapta yad guhyani tva it | padavidannihita yajniya-

17. ERE VIII p. 312.

18. ERE Vol. XII 614b; quoted by Dr. Deslirnukh (RVL p. 340), who apparently

agrees.

19. Vide Chapter IV p. 86 for the explanation oi the word as a soma vessel.

214

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

sah ||) where the sacrificers are said to be knowing some twenty-one
secret steps associated with Agni. It is too much to imagine that
twenty-one types of sacrifices are referred to here as Sayana
imagines. 20 Twenty-one types of offerings as Griffith imagines 2 '
also have not been referred to elsewhere. It appears to refer to
some sacrificial rite connected with Agni, having some mystical
source of strength that the priests associated with the performance
thereof and was known in details to them (padavidan nihita
yajniyasah).

At VIII.72.7 (duhanti saptaikamupa dva panca srjatah | tirthe
sindhoradhi svarejj), in a riddle-like fashion, a typical sacrificial
performance of some known potency appears to be described. The
reference in ‘ab’ is apparently to seven priests 22 (II.1.2, etc), who
appear to be singing loudly (adhi svare) on the bank of some river
(sindhoh tirthe). The association of the rite with Agni is referred
to in vv.l and 18 and offerings of madhu and soma in vv. 9,11 and 12.

The role played by Agni in conveying the sacrificial offerings
to the gods is also visualised as a mysterious function, due to some
mystical strength fancied as underlying the sacrificial performance.
Thus in the two hymns (IV.13 and 14), which are obviously fashioned
one after the other, the poet repeats the last verse of the 13th in the
14th hymn, emphasizing apparently the significance that the poet
is attaching to the contents thereof. The poet is raising a point
about Agni: (anayato anibaddhah kathayam nyahnuttano’va padyate
na j kaya yati svadhaya, ko dadarsa, divah skambhah samrtah pati
nakam ||). It is clear that Agni’s role in the sacrifice is being referred
to by the poet in both these hymns as can be inferred by a reference
to the place of sacrifice at IV.13.1 (sukrtam durone), to the web of
sacrifice being woven by Agni at IV.13.4 (vahisthebirviharanyasi
tantum avavyayannasitam... .), to the offerings in the sacrifice at
IV.14.4 (imehi. . . .madhupeyaya soma — asmin yajne). When Agni
is going to the gods in such a sacrifice, the stanza under considera¬
tion raises the point as to how Agni can proceed unsupported to
heaven. The source of this strength (svadha) is apparently the
mystical power, associated with the sacrificial performance.

With certain materials of sacrificial performance too, such mys¬
tical significance is associated. The reference to prayers (1.139.1)
and the offerings (v.3) indicates the association with sacrifice and
in that context it is said about ‘soma’ at 1.139.2 (yuvoritthadhi sadma-
svapasyama hiranyayam J... .somasya svebhirak^abhih) that with
the eyes of ‘soma’ the poet can see the ‘hiranyaya’. The reference
is possibly to the custom of drinking soma-juice, 23 which is appa-

20. Seven pakayajnas, seven haviryajnas and seven somayajnas.

21. HRG Vol. I, p. 97 f.n.

22. cf. also ‘hotr’ in Chapter VII, p. 61.

23. Vide Chapter VI. 127

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE 215

rently imagined to give some mystical potency to the person so as to
enable him to see ‘the hiranyaya’, 24 even as the granting of divine
vision 26 was required to enable Arjuna to see the ‘Visvarupa’ in
the Gita.

At IX.6.9 (vide Chapter II p. 25), soma is said to be assigning
a place of secret importance to the hymns and as augmenting
their efficacy in the sacrificial performance.

For some mystical significance associated with certain cate¬
gories of hymns cf. X.85.6 referred to in Chapter II, p. 29. Regard¬
ing some mystical associations with some other materials and aspects
of the sacrifice cf. X.114.3-6 (vide Chapter XI).

Some mystical significance is associated with ‘ghrta’ at IV.58.1-3.
In v.lcd (ghrtasya nama guhyam yadasti jivha devanamamrtasya
nabhih), the mysterious source of strength of the ghrta, which it
possesses and transmits to the gods is indicated by reference to its
‘secret name’, its being ‘the tongue of the gods’ and ‘the centre of
immortality’.

In v.2ab (vayam nama pra bravama ghrtasya’smin yajne dhara-
yama namobhih), for some mystical purpose in view, the ‘(secret)
name’ of the ghrta is said to be proclaimed. It is said to be coming
forth from a ‘four-horned bull’ (catuhsrhgo gaurah), 26 whose riddle¬
like description is given in the following verse (v.3). (catvari srnga
trayo asya pada dve sirse sapta hastaso yasya j tridha baddho
vr$abho roraviti maho devo martyan a vivesa ||), where some aspects
of sacrifice apparently are described to convey some mystical signi¬
ficance associated with it.

The origin of the utterances ‘svaha’ ‘svadha’ and ‘vasat’ 27 also
appears to lie in the desire to add a sort of mystical touch to the
offering and through it to the sacrifice. Out of these ‘svadha’
appears to be hardly used, as the Pitryajna came to be introduced
at a later stage. 28 Svaha was apparently the earliest to be used for
offering oblations as is indicated at X.2.2 (svaha vayam krnavama
havlmsi) and its employment in the Apri hymns. The later intro¬
duction of ‘vasat’ indicated at 11.36.1 and also by its reference in the
Asvamedha hymn (1.162.15) appears to have been with a view to
add a sort of mystical source of protection to the oblation, cf. X.115.9,
where after the utterance, the divinity is asked to guard it. Visnu
is also asked to accept the oblation because of ‘vasat’ at VII.99.7.
The idea of ‘va§atkrti’ becoming acceptable to the gods is also refer-

24. ‘Sun’ according to Ludwig and Griffith.

25. ‘divyam dadami caksuste’ XI.8

26. ‘Sacrifice’ according to Mahidhara.

27. Vide Chapter V, p. 116.

28. Vide Chapter VI, under ‘pitryajna pp. 128-130.

216

SACRIFICE IN THE IjtGVEDA

red to at 1.14.8, 31.5, VII.14.3, 15.6, 29 VIII.28.2, X.17.2. At 1.120.4,
the mystical effect intended by the poets is indicated (vi prcehami
pakya na devan vasatkrtasya adbhutasya dasra), where some mira¬
culous (adbhuta) touch is said to be given to the hymn as a result
of the utterance ‘vasat’.

In the same way, certain figures appear to be associated with
some mystical significance. Thus the figure ‘three’ is associated
with the (1) powers (2) places (3) tongues and (4) bodies of Agni
at III.20.2. They are apparently with reference to the sacrificial
aspect of Agni as indicated by the preceding stanza where the gods
are described as ‘adhvaram vavasanah’.

III.56 is also similarly based on the mystical significance of
the figure ‘three’ expressed most elaborately as associated with
different divinities with the ultimate purpose of their presence in
the sacrificial assembly in view (III.56.12, vidathe santu devat).
Thus the lustres, udders, forms and mothers of Agni are said to be
three (v.3). Savitr is also similarly said to be bringing gifts thrice
a day (v.6), inspiring people thrice (v.7, IV.53.5 and IX.74.6).

The word ‘tridhatu’ has also come to be employed with some
mystical significance in view. Agni is said to be ‘tridhatusrngah
vrsabhah’ (V.43.13). Hymn addressed to Indra is also said to be
‘tridhatu’ (VIII.51.4). The barhis spread for Agni is also ‘tridhatu'
(VIII.102.14). The pressed-out soma is also ‘tridhatu’ (IX.1.8, 70.8,
86.46). Sacrificial assemblies, attended by Agni are said to be
‘tridhatu’ (VIII.39.9). Protection coming from the deities is said
to be ‘tridhatu’ (1.34.6, 85.12; VI.35.2 46.9; VII.101.2; VIII.47.10).
Wealth obtained from the divinities is also said to be ‘tridhatu’
(III.56.6).

At VII.87.4 (uvaca me varuno medhiraya trih sapta mana aghnya
bibharti | vidvan padasya guhya na vocat yugaya vipra uparaya
siksan ||), twenty-one names of the cow are referred to, which are
said to be taught by the god Varuna to the intelligent poet. The
mystical effect is heightened by further remarking that the secrets
have not been fully revealed (cd). The association with sacrifice is
indicated by the description of the poets as ‘yajnadhirah, v.3.

Quarters, Adityas and the hotrs 30 are said to be seven and
through them protection is expected (IX.114.3). Agni is said to be
‘saptajivha’ at III.6.2. For sevenfold prayer, cf. VIII.51.4, X.67.1.
The seven ‘dhamans’ (places or lustres) of sacrifice (IX.102.2, yajna-
sya sapta dhamabhih) have also some mystical significance in view
as is also indicated at X.52.4 and 124.1 where it is described as
‘saptatantu’.

29. ABI p. 23, where Hang sees reference to ‘anuva?atkrtf of the later days.

30. for seven hymns cf. Chapter II. p. 30 and seven priests, Chapter VII, p. 161.

MYSTICAL ELEM ENT IN THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

217

Some group of four verses or hymns, recited one after another
was imagined to produce some mystical effect as is indicated at VIII.
60.9 (pahi no agne ekaya, pahyuta dvitlyaya | pahi girbhistrtiyaya
urjampate pahi catasrbhirvaso |j). 31 At X.13.3 32 too, the association
of the figures ‘four’ and ‘five’ appears to convey the idea of some
mystical effect in the sacrificial performance indicated by the refer¬
ence to ‘rtasya nabhi’ in (d).

In a similar way, the secret name employed for a sacrificial
performance is said to be third or fourth 33 at VIII.80.9. Whatever
this fourth name might have been, it appears that there was in
prevalence a custom of assuming a secret name for the purposes
of a sacrifice. It was apparently done with the idea that the secret
name along with the number four would mystically add to the effi¬
cacy of the performance. The reference to the name of the god
Indra would indicate that the divinities would also be given such
names during a sacrificial performance. Similarly at IX.75.2, soma
or the sacrificer is said to be assuming the third name. These names
secretly given appear to be guarded by the poets in their sacrificial
traditions. These names must have been differntly givn by different
persons and it would be on the mystical effect of the same that the
efficacy of the sacrifice would depend. Thus when a particular per¬
formance would be specially effective, the names employed therein
would be scrupulously guarded as a secret by them as is indicated
at X.5.2 (rtasya padam kavayo ni panti J guha namani dadhire
pararii ||). At X.45.2 (vidma te agne tredha trayani vidma te dhama ]
vidma te nama paramam guha yat |j), the poet refers to the secret
name of Agni, which was supposed to be unknown to others and
hence boasts of his knowledge of the very source of Agni (vidma
tamu sam yata ajagantha [). At IX.95.2 (devo devanam guhyani
nama aviskrnoti barhisi pra vace |), it appears to be indicated that
these names were to be uttered only when the grass was arranged
for the sake of the sacrificial performance.

The idea underlying the employment of such secret names
appears to be that the gods were possessed of a secret way of think¬
ing, which was not known to the poets as it is remarked at X.12.8
(yasmin deva manmani samcaranti apicye na vayamasya vidma |).
If it is not known, the poet used to consider himself an offender and
hence pray for declaration of his innocence (mitro no atra aditirana-
gan savita devo varunaya vocat |).

In a similar way some compositions of some poets or some
verses therefrom had come to be associated with some mystical
significance. Thus after describing the mystical significance of his

31. The reference cannot be to quarters as Ludwig suggests (HRG II p. 200 F.N.).

32. Vide Chapter XI; Geldner Vol. Ill, pp. 140-42.

33. Say. ‘soma-yqji’ iti caturtham nama tacca yajniyam | ; Vel. B.U.J. XVI 1947

p. 4 who says that significance is not quite clear.

21»

SACRIFICE IN THE FIGVEDA

performance on account of the ‘vasatkara’ at 1.120.4 (see above),
the poet is referring to his composition as equally efficacious with
those of the ancient poets at 1.120.5. This would indidcate that the
composition of ‘Ghosa’ had come to be associated with some mystical
potency for the purposes of a sacrifice.

At X.85.6, the mystical role of the hymns styled ‘narasaihsi’ etc.
is referred to. The same would appear to be the case with the Nivids
and the Brhad and Rathantara saman. 34 In X.114, the altar 30 etc.
are indicated as possessed of some mystical significance, as the
power of the hymns is said to be co-extensive with the Heaven and
the Earth (8b, yavad dyavaprthivi tavadittat j).

Certain hymns were expected to possess a mystical significance
through divine favour. Thus it is described at IV.5.3 (padarh na
gorapagulhaih vividvan agnirmahyam predu vocanmanlsam |) that
Agni has declared such a hymn to the poet.

The riddle hymns 36 and certain riddle-like verses scattered
throughout the hymns appear to convey the idea of some mystical
significance of theosophical, mythological or philosophical import¬
ance, associated with them.

11.18 appears to be a typical expression of the idea of sacrifice
in a riddle-like fashion. The elaboration of the metaphor indicates
a number of mystical associations of the sacrifice.

Thus in v.l, the morning sacrifice is said to be a chariot 37 with
four yokes, three whips and seven reins, urged on by means of
the hymns (matibhih rarhhyah). The three soma-pressings, appear
to be referred to at 2ab and in a mystifying tone the point is further
described at 2cd (anyasya garbhamanya u jananta, so anyebhih
sacate jenyo vrsa). A similar attempt is visible in v.4 and then Indra
is requested to come with horses, progressively increasing in number
(w.4-6) from two to a hundred.

VI.9 is a typical hymn, which attempts to probe into the mystery
of the sacrifice.

With the metaphor of weaving, the poet says that he does not
know the warps and the woofs that go to weave the fabric of sacri¬
fice (v.2a). The poet apparently belongs to a later age in the tradition
of sacrifice as is indicated by some ancient sacrificers, who know it
(2b, yam vayanti samare’tamanah). V.2cd (kasya svit putra iha
vaktvani paro vadatyavarena pitra) suggests that the secret of the
sacrifice can be known only through the Vaisvanara fire. Thus it
is stated at v.3ab (sa it tantum sa vijanati otum etc.) that Vaisva-

34. Vide Chapter II p. 33.

35. Vide Chapter XI.

36. Vide Chapter XI.

37. ‘dasaritra’ (in c) possibly indicates another metaphor ot sacrifice as boat

Vide Chapter XII).

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE FtGVEDIC SACRIFICE

219

nara knows the fabric of the sacrifice. The secret of the power of
Vaisvanara is his immortality (v.3c amrtasya gopah-) and his pre¬
valence in both the worlds in different forms (3d, avascaran paro
anyena pasyan). It is for this reason that he is entitled to be called
the ‘first hotr’ (4a, ayam hota prathamah). As firmly established
among the mortals for the purposes of the sacrifice and consequently
growing in stature (4cd) he naturally knows the secret of the sacrifice.
With the role of the gods in the sacrifice in view, Agni is said to be
established by the gods with a fixed purpose in view (5cd.).

In this way the important role of the Vaisvanara fire in the
secret of the sacrifice has been emphasized. But it is also being
pointed out that it is not an easy thing to know this Vaisvanara.
Thus it is said in v.6, that ears, eyes, heart and mind are incompetent
to grasp his real nature. 38 Even the gods are said to be bowing
down before this mysteriously magnified nature of Vaisvanara.
v.7 ab, visve deva anamasyan bhiyanastvamagne tamasi tasthivam-
sam). In this way, the poet has tried to describe how the Reality
underlying the sacrificial performance is also, like the philosophical
reality, beyond the ken of human thought and expression (VI.9.6d,
kim svid vaksyami kimu nu manisye). Thus sacrifice has been glori¬
fied as playing a mystically significant role in the existence of the
universe, as is also done with a different metaphor at VII.101.3
(pituh payah prati grbhnaU mata, tena pita vardhate tena putrah),
where the heavenly gods and the mortals are said to be prospering
through the sacrifices that can be performed with the oblations
obtained by the shower of rain and in this way, what is said about
Parjanya at VII.101.4a (yasmin visvani bhuvanani tasthuh) can
rightly be said about the sacrifice. 39

It is with this role of Agni in view that he is referred to as the
‘tongue of the sacrifice’ at X.53.3 and through him the sacrifice is
said to be well-performed (3a, sadhvlmakar devavitim).

1.164, 40 which deals with almost all the topics of discussion,
pertaining to the various aspects of the existing world in a riddle¬
like fashion also touches upon occasionally some of the aspects of
the sacrifice. Thus the mystical significance of some of the hymns
in different metres is referred to at 1.164.25. The importance of
sacrifice is metaphorically described at 1.164.35. In 1.162 and 163 41
referring to the divine origin of the horse and the details of the

38. cf. X.82.7 for a similar remark about Visvakarman.

39. cf. Gita III.16 (evam pravartitam cakram).

40. Vide Chapter XI.

41. ABI Vol. I, pp. 12-13. The contention of Haug that 1.162 is an early hymn
as (1) it mentions Mitra, Varuna and Aryaman and (2) as it is written in an
unpolished style and poor imagery (p. 12) cannot stand as (1) other gods have
been mentioned (Vide VV 1, 2, 3, 4, 7,8 etc.) and (2) unpolished style is no
criterion for the early character of the hymn, cf, also remarks in Chapter XI
under 1.162.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

220

offering of his body at various stages of the sacrificial performance,
indicates the idea of some mystical associations which had come to
be imagined by the time.

About X.61 and 62 42 , Haug says, (p.28) “Nabhanedistha is
purely sacrificial and composed at a time when the Rsis already
indudlged in speculations on the mystical meaning of sacrificial
rites” and explains it by pointing out how the hymn has the mysti¬
cal significance of providing the sacrificer with a body in view. He
draws this conclusion on a different interpretation of the first two
verses of X.61. This is obviously done by him with the later ritual
significance in view as would be clear from his reference to the
Brahmanas (p.25). Eventhough he takes it to be an ancient hymn,
he thinks that it is discussing some aspects of sacrifice, because,
according to him, “oldest hymns are purely sacrificial and made
only for sacrificial purposes.” (p. 39) and that “on a more close
comparison of the mystical parts of the Samhita with the Brahmanas,
one must come to the conclusion, that the latter were already com¬
menced during the period of the former” (p. 49). It is thus that he
is attempting to see the later mystical significance in this hymn. It
should be noted that like the poet of 1.164, the poet of X.61 also
appears to have some abstract notions regarding the sacrifice and
divinities in view. There is no trace however of the specific view
referred to by him in either of the two hymns under consideration.

The name ‘nabhanedistha’, it may be noted, is perhaps an illus¬
tration of the tradition of assuming a secret name for the purposes
of a sacrificial performance. It is a name that is very obviously
suggested by the vicinity of the person to the vedi and which could
remain a secret and produce the desired mystical effect for the pur¬
poses of the sacrifice. It is also possible that the name has been
adopted by the poet on account of his constant association with the
sacrificial performances as the officiating priest of the same. The
poet with such close sacrificial associations is naturally well-fitted
for the purposes of technical discussion of sacrifice, which he is
undertaking in these hymns.

The introduction of the idea of the “mystical element” in the
sacrifice is due to a desire for theorization and as such must have
come into existence after the sacrifice had advanced to some extent.
An element of awe and mystery must have been in existence right
from the early stages of the sacrifice when it was observed how a
divinity accepted a hymn and an offering and gave the desired result
through the sacrifice. But the exigencies of the situation must have
necessitated a progressive evolution of the idea of divinity and
through it, of the sacrifice. The process of going from concrete to

42. ABI Vol. I, pp. 23-29.

MYSTICAL ELEMENT IN THE RGVEDIC SACRIFICE

221

abstract notions regarding the divinity must have also worked to
initiate theoretical discussion about the sacrifice and thus in associa¬
tion with the developed notions about the spiritual aspect of the
divinity, transformed the earlier element of ‘mystery’ into a ‘mysti¬
cal element’ as discussed above.

It may be said that the mechanical aspect of the Brahmanic
sacrifice cannot be explained on the spiritual background of the
Rgvedic sacrifice as it is sought to be explained during the course
of this chapter. It should however be noted that for different
reasons 43 the growth of the sacrifice in its theoretical and spiritual
aspects stagnated by the end the period of the Rgvedic hymns and
the practical and mechanical aspects came to be magnified in import¬
ance. This change in the emphasis on the spiritual bias of the
Rgvedic sacrifice has affected the centre of divine worship which
has shifted from Indra to other divinities helpful to the growth of
the new ideology as it has been indicated in Chapter VII.

This deterioration can be explained on the analogy of the Gita.
Just as the hymns of the Rgveda have tried to formulate a view
about the sacrifice on an intellectual and spiritual basis, the Gita
too has propounded its view about the sacrifice. 44 The Rgveda is
gradually evolving notions of a class-system to bring some order into
the social life. The Gita has propounded a very broad idea of
‘caturvarnya’ for restoring order in the society. If the Rgveda can
be said to have laid the foundation of the Aryan culture, the Gita
has helped to stabilise it, when it was badly shaken. 45

But even as the teachings of the Gita came to be neglected in
the days that followed, so too it appears to have happened in the
days of the Brahmanas, which appear to have suppressed the growth
of the intellectual and spiritual ideology of the Rgveda.

43. Vide Chapter XIV.

44. BV. Vol. X, 1949 (pp. 370-77).

45. Ibid.—introduction.

Chapter Eleven

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

i (rv viii. 52.9).

SYNOPSIS :

Particular hymns and groups in their sacrificial association to be discussed—
two view-points regarding the association—dependent upon the stage of ritual
growth—Dr. Deshmukh’s view regarding the distinction between the two categories
of ritualistic hymns criticized—some points in this regard—sacrificial purpose vary¬
ing at different stages—hymns incidental to performances—danastutis, some
samvada hymns, riddle-hymns—groups with clear sacrificial associations—Valakhilya
—Parucchepa 1.127-139—Aprls—Visvedevas—

Hymns with composite authorship—hymns with different divinities praised in
groups—hymns with sacrificial appendages without syntactical connection—hymns
having lines repeated with sacrificial purpose in view—some individual hymns—a
few remarks—

We discussed broadly the nature of relationship between the
hymns and the sacrifice in the second chapter and observed how
some hymns 1 are said to be meant for the purposes of the sacrifice.
It is mainly such hymns and groups that are proposed to be described
in this chapter, indicating the nature of their association with the
sacrifice of the time.

As we have seen in the first two chapters, the opinions of
scholars have been sharply divided on this point, some of them like
Bloomfield and Oldenberg holding that all the hymns were meant
for sacrificial purposes while, Max Muller and Winternitz saying that
some hymns had certainly got nothing to do with the sacrifice.
Dr. Deshmukh 2 draws the distinction between the (1) ritualistic
prayer, which he calls invocation and (2) the non-ritualistic, 3 which
he calls laudation and gives a few illustrations of the two categories.

It may be noted that it is not an easy thing to lay down a line
of demarcation between the two classes of hymns, unless we
have some notion about the ritual development of those days.

Presumption about the advanced nature of that ritual has made
Dr. Deshmukh agree with Prof. Macdonell in respect of the existence
of the various types of sacrifices along with even the rites like
Dlksa and Avabhrtha 4 in the days of the Rgvedic hymns. It is for
the same reason that he forwards the theory about the two classes

1. Chapter II p. 27.

2. RVL pp. 332-339.

3. Ibid. p. 338, which he considers to be the survival of the bardic age.

4. Ibid. p. 303.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

1223

of the ritualistic hymns, 5 viz. (i) addressed to the gods directly and
(ii) addressed through Agni. It is true that some hymns may have
been meant to be recited like ‘the Gayatra mantra’, without the
accompaniment of any ritual but it should be noted that the idea
of self-purification which characterizes the ‘sandhya’ is an idea, which
has come to be associated with it at a later date when the ‘mantra’
was picked up out of its context and that the idea of purification
resulting from the recitation of a single verse a number of times is
conspicuous by its absence in the hymns of the Rgveda. The hymns,
whether the gods are invoked directly or indirectly therein, have
got the same purpose in view, viz., the propitiation of the divinity
and as such there is no real distinction between the two categories
of the ritualistic hymns. If the distinction is to be drawn, it will
have to be drawn at the root, viz., the ritual and hence it will have
to be presumed that there were two types of rituals (1) with obla¬
tions and (ii) without oblations. He has however not put forth any
such theory about the prayer and the sacrifice in his work and hence
there is no point in distinguishing between the two categories of
the ritualistic hymns.

Before trying to determine the sacrificial association of the
different hymns, we shall have to bear in mind a number of points
having a significant bearing on the topic.

The hymns, as a means of expression of the sentiments, impres¬
sions and aspirations of the thinker poets towards the divinities are
bound to reflect faithfully the purpose in view of the composers,
the only difference being that at some places it may be obvious, at
other places, transparent. It may further be noted that the expres¬
sion of the purpose would necessarily be related with the stage of
the sacrifice existing at the time of the composition of the hymns.

Thus, at an earlier stage, when the favour of the god is expected
to be attained by means of the hymns as well as the performance,
both the skill in the composition as well as the emotional appeal
would be expected in the hymns. When some of these hymns have
become known, at a later stage, hymns similar in composition to.
the earlier ones would be expected. Certain circumstances accessory
to the performance would also necessitate the composition of some
hymns at this stage. At a still advanced stage, the compositions
would be more artificial and to some extent lacking in emotional
appeal, because by the time certain conventions regarding the hymns
required for the purpose of a sacrifice would already come into
being. Sacrifice can still be said to be growing as long as fresh
hymns continue to be composed for its purpose. It can be said to
have attained a rigidity when composition of new hymns has ceased
and employment in the ritual takes place by portions according to

5. RVL p. 335.

224

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

the requirement or the convenience of the ritual. This stage is
perceptible in the Brahmapa literature and is clearly distinguishable
even from the advanced stage during the period of the hymns. 6

It may be said that this line of argument involves the fault of
‘mutual dependence’ 7 inasmuch as the hymns and their employment
would appear to be dependent on the stage of the sacrifice and the
stage of the sacrifice would appear to be dependent on the hymns
and their employment. It should however be noted that it is not
so for the obvious reason that both the sides are known to us and
just as we know for certain that the sacrifice had in view certain
hymns, it is also known that certain hymns have clearly got the
sacrificial employment in view as we shall see below.

Certain other tendencies exhibited in the hymns would also
help in ascertaining the sacrificial character of the hymns as also
the peculiar mode of the composition of some of them. Both the
following categories of the hymns have been considered as ‘predo¬
minantly sacrificial’ for the purposes of the present discussion.

(A) Hymns composed on the occasion of, in commemoration
of or in description of the sacrifices or some aspects thereof and as
such not directly meant for employment, e.g. Danastutis, Riddle-
hymns, etc.

(B) Hymns composed for the sake of sacrificial employment.
Though we cannot exactly ascertain the mode of employment of
the hymns in the early stages of the sacrifice, it can be said that
the compositions of fresh hymns for sacrificial performances would
su SS es t that entire hymns used to be recited during the course of the
performance. This is further supported by the occurrence of the
refrains as characteristic of an individual or the family which would
indicate that the hymns used to be recited till the end and would
announce the role of that particular composer to the divinity.

(A) DANASTUTIS :

They were apparently composed generally on the occasion of
a sacrificial performance to celebrate the achievement of some singu¬
lar success and as such must have been associated with that perform¬
ance. The idea underlying a danastuti appears to be the acknow-
ledgment of the receipt of the help from the gods and the gift from
the patrons as can be evident from the general form in which those
hymns were composed. 8 It therefore appears that they were not
employed during the course of the performance. At the same time
they cannot be imagined as not associated with the celebration of
the ^vent. Hence it appears that those hymns used to be recited

6. For discussion on ‘purpose’ of the sacrifice see Chapter XIV.

7. itaretarasrayatva’.

8. Vide remarks under ‘Sara’ in Chapter VIII. p. 188.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

at the end of the performance in the presence of the assembly gather¬
ed for the purpose so that the help of the divinity and the gift of the
patron could receive the maximum of publicity as desired by the
poet.

IV. 15 :

The setting of the hymn does not appear to be the usual victory
in the battle. It is just said to be an invitation to the priest of
Vamadeva family to officiate at a sacrifice by offering a gift for it.
(bodhad yanma haribhyam kumarah sahadevyah | accha na huta
udaram, v.7). It should be noted that vv.1-6 of the hymn are in
praise of Agni, indicating that it was a fire-ritual that the poet has
undertaken. The offering of ‘prayas’ is referred to in v.2, and long
life for the patron is prayed for in vv. 9-10. 9

V. 18 :

A poet from the Atri family is acknowledging the receipt of
the gift of fifty horses. Svarnara 10 in v. 4, may refer to a person
of that name referred to elsewhere as protected by Indra. The
patrons in general are referred to (v. 3, maghonam); so the gift may
be of a family of that name.

V. 27 : 11

The hymn by a poet of the Atri family, appears to be in ack¬
nowledgement of the gifts of different persons on different occasions,
vv. 1-3 describe the gifts of Tryaruna of the Purukusta family on
two occasions. 12 It is noteworthy that the poet is performing the
ninth sacrifice of that type for him (v. 3, eva te agne sumatim cakano
navisthaya navamarh trasadasyuh). vv. 4-6, describe the gift of a
hundred bulls from Asvamedha. The spotted colour of the bulls
is compared with soma juices mixed with three substances. 13 The
performance appears to the usual Agni ritual.

V. 30 :

A poet of Atri family is referring to ‘Rusama’ people with
‘Rnarhcaya’ as their chief from whom he receives a very substantial
gift of four thousand cows (repeatedly mentioned in vv. 12-15).
In all these four verses the poet also refers to ‘soma-juice’ indicating
it to be soma-ritual in honour of Indra praised above. A ‘pravrj’

0. For ‘Sahadevya’ cf. ‘Srnjayas’ in Chapter VIII; for ‘prayas’ cf. Chapter V p.113.

10. Vide Chapter VIII. p. 191.

11. Vide ‘Purus’ in Chapter VIII. p. 178.

12. v.l twenty oxen and a wagon; v.2 One Hundred and twenty cows and two
horses.

13. For the simile, Chapter XII; Chapter V for ‘tryasirah’ (pp. 103-104).

S.R.—is

226

SACRIFICE IN THE ?GVEDA

rite, 14 where heated milk was offered in a golden pot is also referred
to (v. 15) and it appears to be customary for the priests to receive
it (tamu adama viprah).

V. 33 :

It indicates a soma ritual in honour of Indra praised in w. 1-7
and refers to the gifts received by Samvarapa from different patrons.
The gifts are for sacrificial performances as indicated in v. 9b
(kratvamaghaso vidathasya ratau j).

V. 34 :

See under Satri (Chapter VIII).

V. 36 :

vv. 1-5 are in praise of Indra and v.6 praises the gift of two

red horses and other three hundred cattle (rohitau vajinau.

tribhih sataih. . . .), by Srutaratha.’ 5

V. 61 :

Syavasva, in praising Maruts, is referring to a gift of one hundred
cows by Taranta. Purumilha’s gift is referred to in v.9. 1G

VI. 27 :

The hymn is in honour of Indra, acknowledging a gift of Abhya-
vartin cyayamana, 17 which is said to be unsurpassed (dunasa). It
refers to the help received from Indra in a battle where Varasikha’s
descendants are said to have been killed on the banks of the river
Hariyupiya. (v.5).

VI. 45 :

The hymn, written in honour of Indra, refers in a general way
to the generous gift of Brbu, 18 who is said to be the best among
patrons giving gifts in thousands (v.33, surim sahasradatamam).

VI. 47 :

Different patrons and priests have been referred to in this
hymn in honour of Indra.

Prastoka is said to be giving ten treasure-boxes and ten horses
to Bharadvajas (v.22ab). It is said to be out of the gift of Indra

14 . Vide Chapter VI under ‘pravrj’ p. 131.

15. Vide Chapter VIII for his relation with the Ahgirasas family.

16. Vide Chapter VIII. p. 186.

17. Vel. B.U.J. X 1941 p. 109; Chapter VIII. p. 181.

18. Vide Chapter IX. p. 195.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

227

(radhaste indra, 22a), indicating the victory over Dasa princes and
thus the wealth is referred to as ‘sambara vasu’ in v.22d.

Divodasa Atithigva 19 is said to have given a gift of ten horses,
ten treasure boxes, ten garments, ten lumps of gold and ten chariots
to Bharadvajas. He is said to have given a gift of a hundred cows
to Atharvan priests 20 (vv. 23-24).

Asvatha is said to have given a gift to Payu (v.24c).

VII. 18 : 21

The hymn is written after the famous Dasarajna battle, where
Sudas, a king of the Bharata family won victory over the ten kings.
The victory is won with the help of Indra, in whose honour the
poet is writing this hymn of celebration and the details of the help
received in vanquishing different enemies have been enumerated
in the course of the hymn. The danastuti in vv. 21-25 refers to the
service of different persons of the family to Indra (v.21, pra ye
grhadamamadustvaya parasarah satayaturvasisthah |). The gift is of
two hundred cows and two chariots (with mares yoked). It appears
that four more horses, decorated with pearls (v.23) were also given
as a gift on the occasion.

Most of the danastutis are to be found in the eighth mantfala.

VIII. 3 :

The hymn is in honour of Indra (vv. 1-20) and in vv. 21-24,
the gift of Pakasthaman 22 is being praised as a sort of unique gift
(v.24, turiyamit pakasthamanam bhojarh dataramabravam). 23 The
gift is of a horse, a very speedy runner (v.21, upeva divi dhava-
manam) and was perhaps meant to be employed in running a race
as he is said to be winning wealth (rayo vibodhanam, v.22a). He
is thus said to be even better than ten horses (v.23, yasma anye
dasa prati dhuram vahanti vahnayah). 24

VIII. 4 :

vv. 1-14 are in praise of Indra. w. 15-18 refer to Pusan and
w. 19-21 refer to the gift of the king Kurunga 26 in the ‘divisti’
sacrifices. 26 The gift is of one hundred horses (satasva, v.19) and
sixty-thousand cows (sastim sahasra. . . . yuthani gavam). The poet
appears to be very jubilant over the gifts as indicated by his refer-

19. Vide Chapter VIII; Vel. B.U.J. XI; 1942, p. 72 and Jubilee Volume ABORI 1942.

20. Chapter VII p. 146.

21. for Dasarajnna cf. V.I. I p. 355; Vel. JBBRAS Vol. 18, 1942.

22. Vide Chapter VIII. p. 185.

23. Vel. B U.J. XIV 1945 p. 14 f.n.

24. Prof. Velankar construes it as a gift of ten other horses to be used for ordinary
purposes.

25. Vide Chapter VIII.

26. Vide Chapter VI p. 128.

228

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

ring to the proud possession (v.21, gam bhajanta mehana asvam
bhajanta mehana) and by the description that even the trees were
delighted at his approach (vrk§ascinme abhipitve araranuh j ). 27

VIII. 5 :

vv. 1-36 are in praise of Asvins. w. 37-39 are in praise of the
gift of the Cedi people and their chief Kasu (vide Chapter VIII).

VIII. 6 : 28

A Kanva poet, praising Indra (w. 1-45) refers to the gift of
Pavsu and Tirindara, 29 associated with the Yadus (v.46, radhamsi
yadvanam). He is said to have surpassed the Yadus in fame (v.48).
The gift is of three thousand horses and ten thousand cows for a
saman hymn. The gift of camels referred to in v.48 (ustrascatur-
yujah) possibly indicates the residence of the king in the desert
region of the west. Perhaps he might have been a king beyond the
Aryan fold who had taken to the sacrificial cult of the Aryans like
the Pani Brbu.

The reference to ‘saman’ indicates the sacrificial performance
undertaken for the patron. It does not appear to be meant for any
victory in the battle.

VIII. 19 :

w. 1-33 praise Agni. vv. 34-35 praise Adityas and in w. 36-37
the danastuti is given. Sobhari is praising the gift of Trasadasyu, 30
who is referred to as very generous (v.36, mahhi§thah aryah
satpatih; cf. also v.34).

v. 37 31 refers to the gift of Syava,, 32 residing on the banks of
the river Suvastu. The king is said to have contributed to the
growth of the Agni worship fv.33, tava k$atrani vardhayan |).

VIII. 21 :

w. 1-16 are in praise of Indra and w. 17-18 describe the libera¬
lity of Citra (vide Chapter VIII). 33

VIII. 24 : 34

vv. 1-27 are in praise of Indra. The gift of Narya 36 to Vyasva
family is referred to in vv. 29-30. The danastuti is addressed to
Usas possibly because it was given at the time of dawn.

27. Vel B.U.J. XIV 1945 p. 15 f.n.

28. Ibid p. 18.

29. Vide Chapter VIII under ‘Yadus’; V.I. I pp 310-11 and p. 504.

30. For his connection with the Agni-ritual, cf. Chapter VIII. p. 179.

31. Chapter VIII. p. 189.

32. not commented by Say.

33. Vel. B.V.J. XIV 1945 p. 24 f.n.

34. Ibid. p. 25

35. Vide Chapter VIII. p. 185.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

•2“2!>

VIII. 25 :

vv. 1-9 and 13-21 are in praise of Mitravaruna. vv. 22-24 form
the danastuti, referring to the gifts of Uksanyayana, Harayana and
Susaman (vide Chapter VIII).

VIII. 34 :

The hymn was apparently composed for a sacrificial perform¬
ance as the refrain of vv. 1-15 would indicate. The gift of a Paravata
king Vasuroeis (v. 16) to a poet of Kanva family consisting of one
thousand horses is referred to.

VIII. 46 :

vv. 1-20 praise Indra. Vayu is referred to in w. 25-28, 32.
w. 21-24, 29-31 give the danastuti.

The gifts referred to are almost, fanciful, (v.22, sas^im saha-
srasvyasyayut.asanamustranam vimiatim sata | dasa syavinam sata
tryarusinarh dasa gavarii sahasrajj); also a golden chariot (v.24c).
That the poet officiated at a soma sacrifice, is indicated in v.26 (ebhih
somebhih somasudbhih somapa. . . .).

In v.32, Dasa Balbutha and Taruk$a are also said to be giving
the gift of a hundred. They appear to be the Dasa associates of the
king Prthusravas Kanita. 3B

VIII. 55-56 :

Dasyavevfka, 37 the son of Putakrata and his wife Putakrata is
praised in these two danastutis by two different poets of the Kanva
family. The hymns are intimately connected with each other and
apparently one has been fashioned on the pattern of the other. As
the help of Indra is referred to (55-1), it appears to be in connection
with the victory in a battle. The name of the patron (‘wolf to the
dasyu’) would indicate that it was a memorable victory over the
Dasyus, a number of whom appear to be killed without resistance.
It may be noted that the gifts in both the hymns are mentioned
as being in ‘hundreds’ (cf. 55.2, satam svetaso. . . .satam venun etc.;
56.3, satam dasan etc.) which appears to be a peculiarity of the
award.

VIII. 68 :

w. 1-13 are in praise of Indra. Priyamedha of the Angiras family
is said to be receiving gifts from Rk$a and his son Asvamedha, as

36. V.33 is also supposed to refer to a gift of a woman by Geldner (Der Rigveda
Vol. II, p. 366 f.n.) and Ludwig thinks that she was the wife of the conquered
king.

37. Chapter VIII. p. 185.

•280

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

also from Atithigva and his son Indrota. 38 The patrons are praised
in the last stanza (v. 19) and their gift is praised as free from blemish
(avadya) and the slanderers (ninitsu).

VIII. 70 :

vv. 1-12 praise Indra and vv. 13-15 give danastuti of Sara (vide
Chapter VIII).

VIII. 74 :

vv. 1-12 praise Agni and in w. 13-14, a poet of the Atri family
is referring to a gift of Srutarvan and/or Savi§tha, who is referred to
as the unexcelled donor (nemapo asvadatarah savisthadasti martyah j
v.15). 39

IX. 58 :

vv. 3-4 refer to certain gifts in thousands of Dhvasra and Puru-
§anti. It is not a regular danastuti.

X. 33 :

The hymn would be a type by itself. It is addressed to Upa-
masravas whose two ancestors also have been mentioned. 40 The
gift praised is of Kurusravana (v.5), who is said to be giving gifts
in thousands (sahasradaksine). It appears to be a posthumous praise
meant to acknowledge the gift and also to offer consolations to the
son (v.9, na devanamati vratam satatma ca na jivati | tatha yuja vi
vavrte ||), which he does by remarking that none lives for a hundred
years and adding that it was a loss to him to lose his (royal) friend.

X. 62 .

The gift of Savarni or Savarnya is referred to as being in
thousands and hundreds (sahasram. . . .satasvam) and in general to
be very extensive as indicated by the simile (v.9, sindhuriva
paprathe |). In brightness it is compared with the sun (v.10, suryena
yatamana) and the poet prays for a long life for him (v.ll, deva
pratiranta ayuh).

X. 93 :

The hymn mentions a number of patrons Duhsima, Pj-thavana,
Vena and Rama who appear to have given a gift of five hundred
horses or chariots together. The poet refers to their gift touchingly

38. According to Sayana, the sacrifice was started by the first pair and the other
two attending as witnesses were inspired to give gifts. For a different view,
cf. Vel. B.U.J. XV 1946 p. 25 f.n.; cf. also Chapter VIII under the names
concerned.

39. Vide Chapter VIII. p. 189.

40. Vide Chapter VIII. p. 179.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

281

as being out of love for him (v.14, asmayu patha visravye$am). It
is not clear what the gift was meant for. 41

RIDDLE HYMNS : 42

1.164 and VIII.29 are typical hymns, containing riddles, the
solutions of some of which are pretty simple. VIII.29 presents
merely certain characteristic attributes of some divinities and the
priestly family of the Angirasas (v.10). 1.164 contains some riddle
verses (2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 13, 29, etc.), v.35 written in answer to ques¬
tions posed in the preceding stanza contains some interesting state¬
ments about the sacrifice (iyam vedih paro anto prthivyah, ayarh
yajno bhuvanasya nabhih), where ‘vedi’ is said to be farthest extre¬
mity of the earth and the sacrifice, the centre of the whole creation.
In v.50 (divarh jinvanti agnayah), the dependence of gods on the
sacrifices is indicated.

It is possible that such hymns were composed at the time ol
the sacrificial performances though we do not get any exact idea as
to how they were utilised at the time.

DIALOGUE HYMNS : 4 *

Some fo them 44 appear to be composed with the background
of the sacrifice. The predominance of Indra in shaping the sacrifice
can be observed in most of these hymns. They either seek to centre
the attention on Indra in the sacrifice or stress in general his supe¬
riority over others.

Thus in 1.165, with a dialogue between Indra and Maruts, the
clash in the worship of the two is indicated and the preferential
treatment given to Indra justified.

1.170 clarifies the background of the previous hymn (1.165), by
making Agastya plead for a share for Maruts, which they are
deprived of on account of the predominance of Indra.

III.33, containing the dialogue between Visvamitra and the
rivers, has the background of the influence of Indra on the rivers. 45
The rivers glorifyingly refer to it (v.6, indro asman aradad vajra-
bahuh) and the poet also does it (v.7, pravacyarh sasvadha viryarh
tat... .).

41. According to Ludwig, the gift was for reconciling the nobles and the people
who had quarrelled (cf. HRG II. p. 526 f.n.).

42. HIL I p. 118; RVB p. 217.

43. V. H. S.B.E. Vol. 32, pp. 182-84.

44. X. 10, 17, 95, 135 however cannot be said to have any connection with the
sacrifice.

45. cf. Chapter X, regarding the view about the magical character of the hymn.

•232

SACRIFICE IN THE IJGVEDA

VIII.IOO 46 dramatises the event of the sharing of soma between
Indra and Vi$nu and the visit in person to the poet in virtue of his
hymn.

In VIII.91, with a dialogue between Indra and Apala, the im¬
portance of devotional attitude in the sacrificial worship is indi¬
cated. 47

In X.29, by the conversation between Indra and Vasukra, the
importance of Indra’s presence in the sacrifice has been emphasized
and his greatness is glorified.

X.98, see below.

X.108 has the background of the importance of Indra, under
whose orders Sarama has gone to the Panis (v.2, indrasya dutlri$ita.
carami) and whose greatness she is glorifying (v.4, nahar'n tam veda
dabhym dabhatsah). Though conversational interest dominates the
hymn, the emphasis on the greatness of Indra and the mention of
the priests Angirasas (v.10), as also that of soma and the pressing-
stones (v.ll), indicates sacrifice as the background of the hymn.
A similar emphasis is also seen in the dialogue between Indra and
Indram in X.86.

In X.167 (1-3), soma offering is dramatised by the dialogue
between Indra, Visvamitra and Jamadagni and the acceptance of
the same is indicated in v.4.

There are four groups of hymns, having clear sacrificial associa¬
tion: (1) Apri (2) Visvedevas (3) Parucchepa, 1.127-139, (4) Vala-
khilya (VIII.49-59). Groups (1), (3) and (4) are characterized by
a typical construction.

(1) APR! GROUP : 48

This group is quite compact in form and contents and apparently
signifies a typical family ritual of a general character. A close
analysis of the hymns reveals the fact that the hymns have in view
the metaphorical description of a general sacrificial performance
and that the Rgveda hymns never appear to have envisaged eleven
independent deities. It is also pointd out how the hymns could have
no connection with the Prayaja offerings of an animal sacrifice,
with which they appear to be connected on account of the specific
number of the stanzas. It is also possible to imagine that the Prayajas
came to be fixed as eleven on account of the eleven stanzas of the

46. Vel. B UJ. XVI 1947 p. 17-18 f.n.

47. RBV 1952, pp. 61-63; for a similar idea cf. Chapter V. p.

48. cf. AHR. B.U.J. IXV 1945 and XV 1946, where the problem of the Apri hymns
has been discussed in details after thoroughly analysing the contents of the
hymns. The hymns in the group are 1.13, 188, 11.3, III.4, V.5, VII.2, IX.5,
X.70, 110.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS aaa

Apri hymns. It is known that the Prayajas are said to be seven
at places. It appears to be due perhaps to the fact of the tradition
of the Apri ritual with seven verses. In this connection, it may be
noted that in the Vasisfha and Visvamitra Apris, vv.8-11 are com¬
mon, indicating the borrowing of the one from the other. It may
be due to the association with the Bharata family as indicated by
us. But it is clear that one of the families composed only seven
verses. It is this survival of the tradition of seven verses in the
Apri hymn of some family that appears to have originated the idea
of seven Prayajas. Thus this would be a clear illustration as to
how the Brahmana literature was adapting itself to the available
material from the Rgveda hymns. 49

(2) VISVEDEVAS :

We have discussed 60 the circumstances under which the idea
of this group of divinities appears to have come into existence. Ac¬
cordingly it would appear that the hymns must have been composed
to glorify the individual divinities in certain groups or collectively
without specification of individuals, mainly for purposes of employ¬
ment in certain rites of a very general character.

When the ritual came to be associated with a particular family
(as in the case of the Apris) or a group in the family (as in the case
of the Valakhilya or Parucchepa groups), there was ample scope
for the ritual to attain a stereotyped form. But as the Visvedeva group
had no such family associations, it does not appear to have developed
any ritual of its own. Even like the designation of their group,
they appear to have maintained the ritual tradition of a universal
character. This becomes evident from the form of some Visvedevas’
hymns like 1.89, 90; V.46, 51 VII.35, where most of the divinities
of the vedic pantheon along with some of their groups have been
referred to. VII.35 is typical of the group indicating its association
with the ritual by the mode of expression, resorted to therein. All
the divinities and the deified entities are expected to give blessings
(cf. ‘sarh nah’ repeated with all in vv.1-13).

(3) PARUCCHEPA GROUP 6 * (1.127-139) :

The composition of this group of hymns is highly artificial in
character. Practically all the important deities are represented
in the group. Agni 127-128; Indra 129-133; Vayu 134-135; Mitra-
varuna 136-137; Pusan 138; Visvedevas 139.

49. cf. ‘prayajas’ in Chapter VI. p. 131.

50. Chapter III, p. 59-61.

51. cf. Chapter VI. p. 135 for comments on the hymn.

52. cf. Geldner Vol. I, p. 175 complains about the ‘uncertainty’ and ‘colourlessness”
of the hymns, which present difficulty to the translator’; HRG I p. 175 fji.
“generally very obscure and frequently unintelligible.”

284

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

All the hymns 63 follow a definite pattern of composition viz.
to repeat certain words or groups of words in the first and the third
lines at certain regulated intervals. The repetition of these words
appears to be mainly literary in character, meant to produce some
alliterative effect and occasionally emphasize a point here and there.
It does not appear to have any magical effect in view as in VII.55
(ni §u svapa). As in the case of the four groups of the Valakhilya
hymns, repetition with a certain change is resorted to, possibly out
of a desire to imitate an earlier composition, which had attained
some sacrificial importance.

(4) VALLAKHILYA GROUP : 6 )

All the hymns are supposed to have been composed by the
members of the Kanva family. It is not quite clear as to why they
should have been considered as appended to the Rgvedic collection,
particularly when they are placed in the midst of the eighth
mapdala (Nos. 49-59). The reason is not their artificial composition in
parts, because the Parucchepa group is more artificial in that respect.

Thus hymns 49-50 contain ten stanzas each, every stanza of
the one agreeing with the corresponding one in the other in the
employment of the majority of the words. Hymns 51-52 agree with
each other in the same way as the preceding pair. Hymns 53-54 con¬
tain eight verses each and are connected with each other in a general
way. Hymns 55-56 contain danastutis in five stanzas each
of one single patron (vide ‘danastutis’ above). Hymn 58 is frag¬
mentary in character. Hymns 57 and 59 are independent.

The construction of the four groups of hymns gives clear indi¬
cations that one of them had attained some sacrificial significance
and hence with the idea of maintaining a similar effect, the hymn
was almost maintained intact in its imitation, though certain words
were substituted to give the latter an appearance of a new hymn.
Thus the same idea that prompted the authors of the Apri hymns
in the different families to imitate each other also appears to have
prompted a limited group of poets in the Kapva family. It is obvi¬
ously some ritual.

HYMNS WITH COMPOSITE AUTHORSHIP :

According to Anuk. there are a few hymns, where different
stanzas are said to be composed by different poets. Thus in IX.109,
first four triplets are ascribed to ‘SyavaSvi’, ‘Nahu$a yayati’, ‘Nahu§a
Manava’ and ‘Samvarana Manu’ and the last four verses to Visva-
mitra. The cases of X.136 and 137 are more interesting. In both

53. except 133(1-5), which looks like a magical charm.

54. Vel. B.U.J. XV 1946 p. 11 f.n. “the purpose of such a construction was evidently
sacrificial though its exact nature is not very cleat.” RRB Vol. II.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

285

of them, each one of the seven stanzas is ascribed to a different
poet. No. 137 is magical in character. We do not know what
tradition the author of the Anuk. had for assigning different verses
to different poets of different families, particularly when it is
remembered that he had on occasions to pick up some name in the
hymn to designate the author, 55 indicating that in those cases no
tradition was available to him. If however they are really of com¬
posite authorship, they must be having some ritual basis.

Hymns with different deities, praised in groups in some order:

When we come across hymns of this character, it would appear
that this was done with the purpose of observing a regulated form
of ritual, because otherwise, the poet could have praised the divini¬
ties concerned in independent hymns. We cannot be certain about
the nature of the ritual. 66

Thus, in:

1.2, w. 1-3, Vayu; 4-6, Indravayu; 7-9 Mitravaruna.

1.3, w. 1-3, Aivins; 4-6, Indra; 7-9, Visvedevas; 10-12, Saraswatl.
1.15, 67 various deities are referred to in one or more stanzas

each. The hymn has in view some ritual of a composite character.
In w. 5-6, the word ‘rtu’ does not stand for any cup, particularly
as the ‘brahmana’ cup is referred to in v.5 (as in II.36.5), indicating
it is not the ritual of later ‘ptugrahas’. cf. similarly 1.22, 23, 68 24,
43; 11.32; VIII.101.

III. 62 praises different deities in three verses each. It is possible
that independent hymns are combined here together in one hymn,
cf. similarly VIII.26, X.17, 24.

IV. 46, 47 praise Vayu in one stanza and Indravayu in the rest
of the hymn. cf. similarly VII.90, 91, 92.

VII.60, 62 and 63 similarly praise Surya and Mitravaruna.

Hymns with portions appended at the end of the verses without

syntactical connection :

There are a number of hymns with portions appended to all
the verses therein some of which appear to be clearly appnded for
some kind of sacrificial employment. It may be noted that in all
those hymns, the sense of the stanzas appears complete without
those appendages. In a number of hymns again, the appendages
cannot really be construed with the previous portion of the verses.

55. cf. particularly in the tenth mandala: Nos. 139, 144, 165 etc.

56. cf. VMH I p. 259, where the agreement in form with Brahmana ritual is indicated
It must however be a case of adaptation as indicated by Prof. Renou (LEV.
p. 5) quoted in Chapter I above p. 10.

57. RLH, 131; Der RigVeda I p. 15.

58. VMH I p. 256, where later ritual is sought to be explained in I. 2, 3, 23, 136
ni y^ U.41.

•2JJ6 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

1.82 (vv. 1-5) adds ‘yoja nu indra te hari’, apparently with the
idea of invoking Indra to attend a sacrificial performance. It is
possible that the portion was repeated at the time of making the
offering after the verses concerned were recited.

1.105 adds ‘vittam me asya rodasi’ though it is a ‘Visvedeva’
hymn, indicating the employment of the hymn in the ritual of the
joint divinity ‘Rodasi’.

V.6 (vv. 1-10): As in 1.82 ‘ijam stotrbhya abhara’ appears to
emphasize the point on the divinity after the offerings were made.

V.75 (w. 1-9) : Ail the verses add ‘madhvi mama srutarh havam’,
without much connection with the previous portion and as such
appear to be meant for emphasizing the invocation.

VIII.39, 40, 41, 42 : ‘nabhantamanyake same’ as in X.126.

In VIII.47, ‘anehaso va utayah, su utayo va utayah’ and in
VIII.62 ‘bhadra indrasya ratayah’ appear to be recited as a sort of
chorus after the offerings were made as in 1.82 above.

In IX.112, 113, 114, ‘indraya indo pari srava’ appears to be added
while pressing out the soma juice.

In X.126, ‘ati dvi§ah’ seems to be added possibly with the idea
of keeping away the enemies.

X.134 : Though addressed to Indra, emphasizes ‘devi janitryaji-
janat, bhadra janitryajljanat’, possibly with the idea of accom¬
modating Aditi in the Indra-ritual.

X.187 adds ‘sa nah par§ad ati dvi$ah’ as in X.126.

As a sort of magical chant the following four hymns have their
appendages : VII.50(1-3) ‘ma marh padyena rapasa vidatsaruh’.

VII.55 (2-4) : ‘ni $u svapa’.

X.133 : ‘nabhantamanyake$arh jyaka adhi dhanvasu’.

X.182 (1-3) : ‘k$ipadasastimapa durmatim hannatha karadyaja-
manaya sam yoh’.

In the following hymns the purpose of appendages appears to
be literary :

1.80 : ‘arcannanu svarajyam’.

1.84: ‘vasvlranu svarajyam’.

V.79 : ‘sujate aSvasunj-te’.

X.86 : ‘visvasmadindra uttarah’.

Hymns having a line or two repeated as refrain in all or some
stanzas and having some connection with the sacrifice:

(1) The idea of invocation is prominent in the following
refrains:—

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

237

1.29(1-7), ‘a tu na indra samsaya’.

1.78(1-5), ‘dyumnairabhi pranonumah'.

1.112(1-23), ‘tabhiru §u utibhiraivinagatam’.

V.51(8-10), ‘ayahyagne atrivatsutarena’.

VIII.35(7-9), 69 ‘trirvartiryatamasvina’.

(13-15), ‘adityairyatamaivina’.

VIII.86(l-3)‘ta vam visvako havate tanukrthe’.

VIII.93(25-27), ‘stotrbhya indramavaha’.

(31-33), ‘upa no haribhih sutam’.

X.35(3-12), ‘svastyagnim samidhanamlmahe’.

X.36(2-12), ‘taddevamamavo adya vrnimahe’.

X.lOO(l-ll), ‘a sarvatatimaditim vrijimahe’.

(2) The following refrains request the divinities to grant pro¬
tection, etc.:—

1.94(1-14), ‘agne sakhye ma risama vayam tava’.

1.100(1-15), ‘marutvanno bhava indra uti’.

VII.49(l-4), ‘ta apo devlriha mamavantu’.

VII. 89(l-4), ‘mpla suksatra mrlaya’.

VIII. 73(1-8), ‘anti §adbhutu vamavah’.

VIII. 93(28-30), ‘yadindra mrlayasi nah’.

IX. 4(1-10), ‘atha no vasyasaskrdhi’.

IX. 65(28-30), ‘panta ma purusprham’.

X. 47(l-8), ‘asmabhyarh citrarh v^sanam rayim dah’.

X.62(l-4), ‘prati grbhnita manavam sumedhasah’.

(3) The following refrains request the divinities to accept
the offerings:—

1.108(1, 5-12), ‘tebhih somasya pibatam sutasya'.

IV. 48(l-4), ‘yahi sutasya pltaye’.

V. 72(l-3), ‘ni barhi§i sadatam somapitaye’.

V. 78(l-3), ‘harnsaviva patatama sutan upa’.

VI. 43(l-4), ‘ayarh sa soma indra te sutah piba’.

VIII.35(1-3), ‘somarh pibatamaivina’.

VIII.82(7-9), ‘pibedasya tvamisi^e’.

VIII.85(1-9), ‘madhvah somasya pitaye’.

VIII.93(31-33), ‘upa no haribhih sutam’.

VIII.94(10-12), ‘asya somasya pltaye’.

SO. It is possible that the hymn is made up of small hymns of three verses each
(1-3), (4-6) etc.

238

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(4) The following refrains emphasize certain facts about the
divinities, their mutual relationship, etc., and as such are mainly
literary in character; but they might have been used in the sacri¬
fices to glorify the divinities concerned:—

I.96(-8), ‘deva agnirh dharayan dravinodam’.

I. 187(8-10), ‘vatape piva idbhava’.

II. 12(1-14), ‘sa janasa indrah’.

II. 22(1-3), ‘sainam sascad. . . .indram satya induh’.

III. 55(1-22), ‘mahaddevanamasuratvamekam’.

V.40(l-3), ‘vr§annindra vrsabhirvrtrahantama’.

V.55(1-9), ‘subham yatamanu ratha avrtsata’.

VIII.12(25-27), ‘aditte haryata hari vavak$atuh’.

(28-30), ‘aditte visva bhuvanani yemire’.

VIII.31(15-18), ‘devanam ya inmano yajamana iyak$atyabhi-
dayajvano bhuvat’.

VIII. 34(1-15), ‘divo amusya sasato divam yaya divavaso’.

IX. 18)l-7), ‘madesu sarvadha asi’.

IX.58(l-4), ‘tarat sa mandi dhavati’.

IX. 67(10-12), ‘a bhaksat kanyasu nalj’.

X. 119(l-13), ‘kuvitsomasyapamiti’.

Individual hymns, having a bearing on sacrifice :

1.28 : The hymn appears to be employed at the time of the
pressing of the soma-juice. The alternative method of pressing
out the soma juice with the mortar and pestle (ulukhala, vv.1-6;
vanaspati, w.6-8) and the churning rod (mantha, v.5) is referred to. G0

I.162. 61

Besides the vessels and implements used in other performances,
described in Chapter V, this hymn refers to some, which appear to
be used exclusively in the Asvamedha. They are (v.13) ‘ukha’,
‘niksapa’, ‘asecana patra’, ‘usmanya’, ‘carunamapidhana, ‘ankah’,
‘sunah’.

It may be noted that the idea of getting sovereignty through
the sacrifice is definitely a later stage in the growth of the idea of
sacrifice in the Itgveda. It is also indicated by the fact that the
hymn presupposes the advanced stage of political consciousness
and institution, which can be imagined to have come into existence
only after the Aryan society had enjoyed a fairly stabilised condi¬
tion of existence.

60. cf. Chapter V ‘pressing of the soma juice’.

61. VMH HI. 271, 334, 401; ASL pp. 292-294; ABI p. 12; Chapter X above.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

289

It is further supported by the reference in the hymn to a spe¬
cialised technique which is absent in the other sacrificial hymns
and hence it can be safely concluded that the hymn belongs to the
stage of sacrifice nearer to the Brahmanic speculations about it.

11.15 : With all the verses emphasizing in their refrain (somasya
ta mada indrascakara) the fact of Indra doing all the heroic deeds
under the influence of soma, appears to be composed for the occasion
of soma-pressing meant for Indra.

II. 36.37 : 62

The hymns have apparently got a particular ritual in view,
where different priests would offer soma to different divinities with
vessels designated after them. 63 As the divinities have been
requested to accept the soma-juice in a particular order, the hymns
appear to be employed in a ritual connected with those divinities.

III. 8 : 64

Like Apris, this hymn is placed in the Agni group, indicating
its connection mainly with the Agni worship. The sacrificial post
is referred to by the word ‘vanaspati’ here (and not yupa) and a
number of other smaller posts have been referred to (svarus). 65 It
should be noted that there is no reference to the sacrificial beast or
beasts here, though the word is elsewhere associated with the beast
(ibid, p. 76). 60 The reference to gods in general in v.8 (sajo?aso
yajnamavantu deva urdhvarh krnvantu adhvarasya ketum]) would
indicate that the performance in view was a sort of the generalised
performance and the purpose of the hymn was to glorify the post
or posts at the place of the sacrifice.

III.21 : 67

As Sayana notes in his Bha?ya, this hymn appears to be
employed in an animal sacrifice. In all the verses, the drops of
fat are referred to as offered in fire, without mentioning any parti¬
cular gods. Agni is asked to give the share to each divinity (v.5,
prati tan devaso vihi).

III.28, 52 : 68

The hymns appear to be composed for a general ‘savana’ ritual
when soma and ‘purodasa' were offered in Agni (28.1-5) or Indra

62. RRG p, 233; RVO p. 451.

63. Vide hotra, potra etc. in Chapter IV. p. 92.

64. ABI Vol. II, p. 74-78; Geldner I p. 345 f.n. (for an idea of a spirit of competition
indicated in the composition).

65. Vide under ‘Yupa’ and ‘Svarus’ in Chapter IV (pp. 76-79).

66. V.2.7, IV.6.3 etc.

67. cf. under ‘animal offering’ Chapter V p. 117 and ‘animal sacrifice’ Chapter VI.
pp. 135-37.

68. Vide ASL p. 260 ‘written by a priest and not a poet for the three savanas’.

240

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(52.1-8). Even the ‘tiroahnya’ soma is said to be offered to Agni
(28.6) and he is said to take it to gods (28.5).

If the animal-sacrifice were associated with the soma ritual,
this was the place where it could have been referred to. But there
is no trace of it here as far as this specialised soma-ritual is con¬
cerned. 69

III. 29 :

The hymn was possibly used at the time of churning the sacri¬
ficial fire at a late date 70 in the Kgvedic sacrifice.

vv. 1-2, would appear like spoken in a chorus or spoken by the
leader of the group of the sacrificing priests. The leader appears
to be addressing the others occasionally (vv.3, 5, 8), requesting
Agni to occupy the seat in the place of the sacrifice (vv.4, 8, 10)
and carry out successfully the sacrificial performance (v.12), as he
is the hotr of the sacrifice (v.16).

IV. 3, 5 :

Both the hymns appear to have some mystical significance in
view as far as the Agni ritual is concerned. 71 The poet of IV.3
refers to it in v.16 (eta visva viduse tubhyam vedho nithanyagne
ninya vacarhsi | nivacanani kavaye kavyanyasamsisarh matibhirvipra
ukthaih [(), where intelligent (kavyani), decisive (nivacanani), secret
words (ninya vacarhsi) have been referred to as addressed to Agni.
The poet of IV.5 refers to his hymn as a doubly powerful saman
hymn, which was a secret revealed to him by Agni (sama dvibarhah
. .. .padam na gorapagulham vividvan agnirmahyarh predu vocan-
manlsarh | (v.3)).

IV.58 :

The hymn describes the mystical production and role of the
‘ghrta’ as it is offered as an offering in the fire (v.8). The secret
name of the ghrta in the sacrifice is referred to in v.l and it is said
to be glorified in the sacrifice in v.2. By offering the sacrifice with
the ghrta’, the poet expects to enjoy the delight of testing the drink
of fire (v.ll, tamasyama madhumantam ta urmim).

V.46 appears to be written for a typical Visvedeva ritual. 73

69. Vide ‘animal sacrifice’ in Chapter VI. pp. 135-37.

70. The hymn breaks the descending order and is the last in the Agni group

m the third man<3ala. y

71. Vide Chapter X. p. 218.

72. VMH 1.321-22; for w.1-3, cf. Chapter X p. 215.

73. Vide Chapter VI p. 135.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

241

VI.43 :

Having all the verses ending with ‘ayam sa soma indra te sutah.
piba’, the hymn appears to be employed for the offering of soma-
juice to Indra.

VI. 44(l-3) : 74

Having as the refrain ‘somah sutah sa indra te asti svadhapate
madal/ the three verses appear to be employed for recitation after
the soma juice was pressed out and when Indra was being propi¬
tiated for arrival at the place of the sacrifice.

VII. 33 :

The hymn, seeking to glorify the miraculous birth of Vasistha
and his achievement in the famous Dasarajna battle appears to be
composed on the occasion of some family ritual in honour of Indra.

VII. 103 :

The manduka sukta appears to be written on the occasion of a
performance called ‘sahasrasava’, 75 a typical performance to be
undertaken possibly after a thousand pressings were over. It is
possible that the performance of the rite synchronised with the
beginning of the rainy season (v.7, samvatsarasya tadahah paristha
yanmanduka pravrsinarh babhuva; v.9, samvatsare pravrsi agatayam)
and hence the elaborate comparison drawn between the frogs and
the brahmins in the course of the entire hymn. It may be noted
that the frogs have been requested to give the wealth here as Angi-
rasas in the third mandala, the wording being almost identical.’ 0 '
So it would appear that just as the Aiigirasas are glorified in III.53,
the frogs also are glorified in VII.103. The comparison of the frogs
with the brahmins is never lost sight of by the poet and hence like
the brahmins (at III.53) they also come to be deified at VII.103
and as such the identical request. It requires a little stretching of
the imagination to understand ‘rain’ to be the intermediate stage
as it leads to prosperity asked for. It is a simpler way of under¬
standing therefore to construe the present hymn as praising the
deified frogs, who would give wealth as the deified human beings
‘Aiigirasas’ (at III.53). As the rite is referred to at these two places,
it is not improbable that it was a ritual associated with the Bharata

74. Coming at the end of the Indra group, the hymn which breaks the descending
order, appears to be composed of small independent hymns, of which (1-3)
might be one.

75. Vide Chapter VI. p. 133.

76. cf. III.53.7 ime bho’a divasputraso asurasya virah | visvamitraya dadato maghani
sahasrasave pratiranta ayuh !|) and VII.l 03.10 (gomayuradadajamayuradat
prsniradad harito no vasuni | gavam manduka dadatah satani sahasrasave
pratiranta ayuh )j ).

S.R.—18

242

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

family and hence both Visvamitra and Vasi$tha come to be connected
with it.

For a hymn directly employed for a rainfall, cf. X.98 below.
VIII.31 :

Composed of three different parts, 77 the hymn appears to be
meant for encouraging the sacrificers by describing their success in
general (vv.1-9) and their getting the better of the non-sacrificers
(vv. 15-18, devanam ya inmano yajamana iyakpatyabhidayajvano
bhuvat |).

VIII. 35 :

vv.1-21 appear to be meant for employment in a ritual where
Asvins, Usas and Surya are together offered the som^i juice (cf. the
refrain: sajosasa usasa suryena ca). Thus they are requested to
drink soma (vv. 1-3), bring food (vv. 4-6, 10-12), to receive ‘tiroanhya’
(vv. 19-21) and give gifts (vv. 22-24). It appears to be a predomi¬
nantly Asvin ritual as reference to ‘tiroanhya’ 78 may indicate.

VIII. 36 :

Almost five-sixth portion of every one of the six stanzas is
repeated as a refrain and the hymn appears to be employed at the
time of making soma-offering (as indicated by ‘piba somam madaya’)
to Indra and Maruts (marutvan indra, w.1-6).

VIII. 37 :

In contradistinction with the preceding hymn employed in a
general soma-rite, this hymn appears to be employed specifically
for the Madhyandina savana 79 in honour of Indra as indicated by
the refrain of all the verses (1-6, madhyandinasya savanasya vrtrahan
anedya piba somasya vajrivah.)

VIII. 38 :

With ‘indragnl tasya bodhatam’ (w. 1-3), ‘indragnl agatam nara’
(vv. 4-6), and indragnl somapitaye’ (w. 7-9) as refrains, all of which
are in the gayatrl metre, the poet refers to his hymn as ‘gayatra’
(v.10, yabhyam gayatramrcyate), perhaps indicating that a peculiar
‘gayatra’ hymn of some sacrificial importance was supposed to be
made of three units of three gayatri verses each. 80

77. Geldner: II p. 341.

78. Vide Chapter V p. 105.

79. exclusively reserved for Indra—Vide Chapter V. p. 107.

80. cf. VIII.76 below; also Chapter II p. 28.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

243

VIII. 76 :

The poet refers to his hymn as a hymn of sacrificial importance
(v.12, rtasprsam) and names it as ‘astapadi’ (vacamastapadimaharh
navasraktim). vv.1-9 are made of three units of three stanzas each
and as each unit is made up of nine lines each, it is described as
‘navasrakti’. The difference between ‘astapadi’ and the ‘gayatra’
above appears to be that in the latter only the three units were
emphasized, while in the former, each pada with eight syllables
was emphasized, as is also indicated by the description of the hymn
as ‘navasrakti’ (meaning nine lines of eight syllables each) and hence
the hymn has come to be designated as ‘astapadi’. 81 It is also an
Indra-marut-ritual as indicated by reference to the two divinities
as also the offering of the soma-juice (vv. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9 etc.).

SOMA HYMNS IN THE NINTH MANDALA :

Though the separate collection of soma hymns may indicate
the predominance of the soma sacrifice, they do not appear to be
composed for the sake of employment in the sacrificial performance.
In general the hymns describe the process of the prsssing and storing
of the soma-juice and do not give an impression of their being intend¬
ed for any mechanical employment.

As observed above, IX. 112, 113 and 114 have ‘indraya indo
parisrava’ appended to the verses therein and as such were possibly
employed at the time of the pressing of the soma-juice. It may be
noted that in IX.112, the appendage has no connection whatsoever,
with the preceding portion of the hymn. The compiler has appa¬
rently included it into the mandala on account of the appendage.
This would further mean that the hymn was previously in use as
a soma hymn before the stage of compilation. It is quite clear that
this was done for some sacrificial purpose.

X. 13 : 82

Like the pressing stones, the carts used for carrying the soma
plant are glorified in this hymn, v.3, possibly has some mystical
significance in view. 63 v.4 does not appear to have any connection
with the previous stanza, v.5 possibly makes a bare reference to the
two carts. The simile in v.l (yame iva yatamane) indicates the two
carts were exactly of the same size.

X. 30:

Waters used for the pressing of the soma juice (vide Chapter
V. p. 102) have been glorified here. The hymn is said to be pro-

81. Vide Chapter II, p. 31.

82. Geldner Vol. Ill, pp. 140-142.

83. Vide Chapter X, p. 217.

244

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

ceeding towards them (v.l). Soma is said to be delighted by them
(v.5, yabhih somo madate harsate ca) and they are said to be purified
for the sacrifice. Their stream is said to be directed towards soma
(v.9) and they are requested to urge on the sacrifice and prayer
(v.ll hinota no adhvaram devayajya, hinota brahma).

X. 35 :

The repetition of ‘svasti agnim samidhanamlmahe’ (vv. 3-12)
may indicate that the verses of the hymn were recited while the
offerings were poured in the sacrifice or the hymn was meant to praise
Agni so that he might bring Visvedevas, referred to in the hymn.
The requirements of the generalised sacrifice have been indicated in
v.9 (adveso adya barhisah starlmani gravnam yoge manmanah sadha
imahe |), where they are said to be (1) barhis (2) gravan and (3)
manma (hymn). The ritual is said to be the exponent of ‘rta’ as
human beings thought it to be (v.8, pipartu ma tadrtasya pravacanam
devanarh yanmanusya amanmahi). All the gods are requested to
guard the sacrificial performance for prosperity (v.ll, vrdhe no
yajnamavata sajosasah |). Faith in the sacrifice as capable of lead¬
ing one across all the difficulties is indicated at the end (v.14, yam
devaso’vatha vajasatau yam trayadhve yam piprthatyamhah | yo vo
gopithe na bhayasya veda te syama devavitaye turasah 11).

X. 61-62 : 84

Haug remarks (p. 28) about the hymns that they are “specula¬
tions on the mystical meaning of the sacrificial rites”. The hymns
are apparently sacrificial in character but there is no further evi¬
dence to support the mystical significance of the later ritual that he
sees therein. For X.61, see Chapter X, p. above. For X.62 (7-11)
see under ‘danastuti’ above.

Prof. Macdonell 85 sees magical note in the description of the
Angirasas in X.62.3 (ye rtena suryamarohayan divi aprathayan
prthivim mataram ca [). The line taken out of its context may create
an impression that the sacrifice has achieved the cosmological func¬
tion independently of the gods. But in v.l, the Angirasas are said
to have attained the friendship of Indra (indrasya sakhyamamrta-
tvamanasa |) and as such their deeds are apparently due to the
blessings of Indra. 86 It can also be seen that the sacrifice in general
is being glorified in order that the ‘danastuti’ (7-11) may be appended.
Besides the priests are expected to get blessings (bhadram v.l), long
life (v.2, dlrghayutvam) and good progeny (v.3, suprajastvam) indi¬
cating that they had not got those things. Even though they may

84. ABI pp. 23-28; Ved. Stu. I (71-T7); Geldner III pp. 225-232.

85. Chapter X pp. 211-213; ERE Veil. 8 (311-21).

86. Vide Chapter VII under Ahgiraues (p. 144).

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS *45

have been referred to as ‘devaputra’ (v.4b), indicating very ancient
origin, composition of good hymns is said to be characteristic of them
(v.4, ‘subrahmanyam), 87 which would suggest that the priestly glory
was dependent on the composition of good hymns.

X. 76, 94, 175 :

The three ‘grava-suktas’ (hymns to the pressing stones) were
apparently written after the sacrifice had attained great prominence.
Ordinary soma-pressing is indicated in X.76.1 (vyustisu... .sadah
sadah... .). At 76.3, soma mixed with milk is referred to as ‘tva$tra’,
belonging to Tva?tr. 88 The comparison of the pressing stone with
‘heaven’, ‘Vibhvan’ 89 (in v.5) is interesting.

X. 94 describes the role of the pressing stones in the sacrifice
in a very interesting way. As they pound the branches of the soma
plant, they are compared with bullocks eating the branches of the
trees and shouting (v.3). Being held in the hands, they are said
to be dancing with their sisters (v.4). A number of upper stones
are said to be going down to the lower one which is stationary 90 (in
v.5) simultaneously (v.6, ‘samayayuh; sakam yukta vrsana bibhrato
dhurah). Indra is said to have become mighty on their account
(v.9cd.). For a rhetorical description of their appearance and acti¬
vity, cf. X.94.11, 13 (vapanto bijamiva dhanyakrtan prncanti somam
na minanti bapsatah|).

X.98 : The hymn is interesting not only as representing a ksatriya
as a purohita indicating a late development in the growth of the
sacrifice, 91 but also as giving a few points regarding the sacrifice.
Thus the selection of a ‘purohita’ for a sacrifice is indicated in vv.4
and 7 (purihitah hotraya vrtah). The shower of rain is said to be
obtained through the propitiation of gods in v.8 (visvebhirdevairanu-
madyamanah pra parjanyamiraya vrstimantam), where Agni along
with the Visvedevas is said to be directing the rain. Prof. Mac-
donell 92 believes the hymn to be magical in character inasmuch as
it can bring rain (according to him) without the help of the gods.
It should however be noted that this is nowhere indicated in the
hymn itself. When Devapi has undertaken the performance of a
sacrifice for bringing the rainfall, he is said to request Indra for the
same (v.4, a no drapsa madhumanto visantu indra). In v.5, it is said

87. The denominative ‘subrahmanya’ is used half a dozen times in the RV. II.20.4,
21.8 (nutanasya brahmanyatah), 11.17.1,8, (brahamanyantah narah indra te
sumnam asyuh), 1134.11, VIII.6 33 and conveys the idea of ‘skilful composition
of hymns’ apparently for sacrificial purposes.

88. For Tvastrs connection with the soma sacrifice, cf. Chapter III. p. 57: Chapter
IV, pp. 89-90.

89. Vide Chapter XII.

90. Vide Chapter IV, pp. 82-85; cf. X 175.3 ‘gravana uparesva mahlyante sajosasah,
‘for a similar suggestion.

91. Vide Chapter VII. p. 165.

92. ERE VIII, pp. 311-21 and Chapter X, p 211.

246

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

that the rainfall follows from heaven through the worship of the
gods. It is the prayer reaching the god that is said to have brought
the rain (v.7c, devasrutam vrstivanim raranah) and v.8 (quoted
above) specifically refers to the role of the gods. There is therefore
no ground for construing the hymn as Prof. Macdonell does.

X.107 : The hymn really glorifies the liberal patrons of the
sacrifice and as such belongs to fairly late stage of the sacrifice.

X.114 : The hymn describes some mystical associations with
the sacrifice, vv. 1-2 — Three gharmas and three ‘nirrtis’ are refer¬
red to.

v.3 describes the altar metaphorically. 93

v.5 mentions twelve ‘grahas’ of soma and some metres associated
with the sacrifice (v.6). It is thus that the chariot of the sacrifice
is said to be set in motion (v.6cd.). It may be noted that thirty-six
cups are later on used in the Agnistoma rite and forty in the Atyagni-
§foma and so this verse is construed as giving the details of those rites
without their names. 94 Geldner 95 suggests that the number may
refer to hymns. Even if the cups are referred to here, the reference
need not be to the two later rites as the latter may have been designed
on the basis of this reference, construed arbitrarily.

v.7 mystically refers to fourteen greatnesses (caturdasa anye
mahimanah) and the ‘Apnana tirtha’, 96 a way by which the gods
were supposed to be coming for the drink of the soma-juice. (v.7cd,
apnanam tltham ka iha pravocad yena patha prapibante sutasya).

X.181 : The hymn refers to a number of terms of sacrificial
import. (1) offerings called prathas and saprathas (v.l); (2) hymns
called ‘brhat’ and ‘rathantara (v.2) 9T (3) yajus which goes to the gods
(devayanam, v.3) and the hot-milk offering (gharma’) in v.3.

X.183 : This is an interesting little hymn which indicates how
the emphasis was shifting from the sacrifice to the hotjr priest. The
general importance of the role of the hotr has been stressed in v.3
(aham garbhamadham o§adhi$u etc.).

X.191 : The hymn is a significant prayer for perfect accord
in the sacrificial gathering. Thus v.l (ilaspade samidhyase sa no
vasunyabhara) indicates the gathering to be a sacrificial one. All
the gods are apparently being worshipped in the rite as indicated
in v.3 (samanam mantramabhi mantraye vah samanena vo havisa
juhomi j), where equal offerings etc., are said to be given to all the

93. for w. 3-6, cf. Chapter X, p. 215.

94. HRG II p. 558.

95. Geldner III p. 338 f.n.

96. Geld. (Ibid.) construes it also as a path leading to the uttara vedi (Vide
chart in ABI Vol. II).

97. VII.32.22, 23 are ‘rathantara sama'. VI.46.1.2 are ‘brhat sama’.

PREDOMINANTLY SACRIFICIAL HYMNS

247

gods. Perfect accord of the people is prayed for in vv.2 and 4, with
gods as the standard of comparison for them (v.2cd, deva bhagarii
yatha purve sariijanana upasate j).

ATHARVAI^IC HYMNS :

There are a few hymns particularly in the tenth mar»d a l a . which
appear to be used as spells for some specific purposes. VII.55.2-4 and
5-8 appear to be two independent spells. The repetition of ‘ni §u
svapa’ in the first unit and the root ‘sas’ in the second indicates its
character as a magical spell. But the idea of divine assistance is also
at the back of the mind of the poet as indicated by his emphasis
on his being the devotee of Indra (v.3, stotfn indrasya rayasi). The
same idea has also been emphasized in more or less the same fashion
in a majority of the other hymns of that category. 03 As it has been
observed in the tenth chapter magic is a separate tendency which
was in prevalence all the time and as the presence of the few hymns
indicates, the poets and the priests were to an extent conversant
with it. Though the idea of the sacrifice and religion has grown
quite on independent lines, the promoters of it could not neglect
the presence of a rival ideology altogether. The reference to divi¬
nities in the spells, may indicate an attempt to elevate the plane
of magical practices from the depth of their association with the
spirits. Thus Indra is referred to in X.102, 166, Agni in X.87, 162,
various gods in X.37 and 165, Brahma^aspati in X.155, Indragni in
X.161, Indra and Brahmapaspati in X.164, and Asvins in X.184.
Black magic (yatu) 90 however has been denounced in very strong
terms and persons indulging in it 100 are expected to be punished
severely (X.87.3). Such persons were said to be obstructing the
sacrificial performances and hence Indra is said to have punished
them (VII.104.21).

The presence of these hymns, thus merely indicates the exist¬
ence of a different ideology with which the poets were conversant
but which in no way appears to have influenced their thought about
the sacrifice.

Thus these different varieties of sacrificial hymns would give
an indication of the variety of ways in which the idea and the
practice of the sacrifice were being handled by different thinker-
poets and also give a broad idea about the stages by which the
sacrifice was growing.

98. X.58, 59(1-4), 87, 102, 137, 145, 146, 155, 161-66, 184.

99. Note the protestation of Vasistha against it VII.1G4.15-16 and Chapter VII.

100. Yatudhana: V.I. II p. 190; VMH III. 426 ff.

Chapter Twelve
SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

ST qir ^5 |c?t ff TTfcr: I (RV VII. 34.2)
zr^fr jt$ strRt-t: fq-crr i (rv x. 100.5)

SYNOPSIS :

Method of expression of ideas, having a bearing on the cultural level of the
people—similes as effective modes of expression—scope of similes for the purposes
of the present topic—sacrifice and its accessories as standard of comparison or
otherwise—Information available of a supplementary character—indicating the
influence of sacrifice on the life of the people—

Discussed under seven different heads—sacrifice with a variety of metaphors
—Hymns compared with different aspects of the sacrifice—similes with the patrons
or the priests as the standard of comparison—divinities and their activities com¬
pared with sacrifice and its accessories—divinities compared with divinities with
sacrifice as the connecting link between them—soma similes—dealing with Indra-
soma relationship—those connected with the different aspects of the process of
pressing—similes where some aspects of sacrifice are compared with other acts
or vice versa—where some aspects of sacrifice are compared with some other
aspects of sacrifice—

The method of expression of ideas has always got a significant
bearing on the cultural level attained by a people and in its turn,
it is influenced by the prevailing ideas of the time. Similes are
known to be an effective mode of expression from very ancient days
and hence it is necessary to review the similes which have a bearing
on the system of sacrifice prevalent at the time of the Rgvedic hymns.
It may be noted that the term ‘simile’ is used in a wide sense here
and the term ‘sacrificial’ too will not merely indicate those cases
where sacrifice or its aspects are employed as standard of comparison
but also include those where ideas connected with sacrifice are
sought to be illustrated by other ideas. This has been done in order
to ensure a fuller idea of sacrifice as it was sought to be expounded
by the Rgvedic poets.

The information thus available can only be of a supplementary
character but it will throw some light on certain aspects of the
Rgvedic sacrifice that came to be emphasized in the eyes of those
people, who by their compositions have helped the evolution of the
system of sacrifice. In a general way, the expression of the ideas
in terms of the sacrifice would also indicate the wide influence of
the system of the sacrifice on the life of the people

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

249

For the sake of the facility of understanding, as well as com¬
parison, the similes have been arranged in seven different categories.

(A) Sacrifice described with a variety of metaphors.

(B) Hymns compared with various aspects of the sacrifice or
with other objects, having a bearing on sacrifice.

(D) Divinities and their activities compared with the sacrifice
or its accessories.

(E) Divinities compared with divinities with the sacrifice as
the connecting link.

(F) Soma-similes.

Similes concerning the various aspects of the pressing and
the general influence of the soma-juice.

(G) Similes (a) where some aspects or acts of sacrifice are
compared with other acts;

(b) where other acts are compared with sacrificial acts;

(A) (YAJfJA-TANTU :)

(1) II.3.6 : ‘tantum tatam samvayantl samici yajnasya pesafr
sudughe’.

In the Apr! hymn of the Grtsamadas, the twin deities U§as and
Night are said to be weaving the thread of the sacrifice. As the
AprI hymns describe a family ritual, 1 the two divinities are praised
because the main Agni ritual was undertaken in the morning and
evening. For the frequency of the mention of the ritual twice a day,
cf. Chapter VI, p. 126.

(2) VIII.13.14 : . ...matsva sutasya gomatah | tantum tanusva

purvyarh yatha vide ||

Here Indra is asked to enjoy the soma-juice and perform the
sacrifice, as it was known from ancient days. The metaphor of
thread conveys the idea of the soma-ritual extending over a long
period of time, during which certain aspects of the sacrifice had come
to be fixed, which are desired to be known. For the idea of soma,
leading to new conventions, cf. IX.86.32.

(3) IX.22.6ab : ‘tantum tanvanamuttamamanu pravata asata’.

Here soma is said to be flowing towards the thread that is being
stretched. It may be tempting to construe ‘tantu’ here as the sheep’s
wool across which the soma-juice is described as passing very fre-

1. Vide AHR. B.UJ. 1946.

250 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

quently; but it appears that it is the metaphor of performing the
sacrifice that the poet has in view here particularly as the ‘tantu’
is said to be being stretched (tanvana). In the following verse
(v.7c) ‘tatam tantumacikradah’, where ‘soma’ is said to be crying
out towards the ‘stretched thread’, ‘tantu’ may refer to sheep’s wool,
though there too, it can be construed as ‘the sacrificial performance’

(4) IX.86.32: ‘sa suryasya rasmibhih parivyata, tantum
tanvanastrivj-tam yatha vide | nayannrtasya prasi$o naviyaslhjj’

Here soma is said to be stretching the threefold thread, appa¬
rently of the sacrifice, as indicated by the last line, where he is said
to be leading to new conventions regarding the sacrifice. 2 Referring
to the idea of ancient mode of performance as in (2) above, it is said
to be threefold, indicating either the three ‘savanas’ or the threefold
way of mixing the soma-juice. 3

(5) X.172.3 : ‘pitubhrto na tantumit sudanavafi prati dadhmo
yajamasi’.

It is made clear here that ‘laying down the thread’ means
‘perform the sacrifice’.

(6) As if in continuation of this metaphor, a person performing
a number of sacrifices, closely following one upon the other and as
such ‘surrounded’ by them, is compared with a woman clothed in
garments.

‘....yo vam yajnebhiravrtah adhivastra vadhuriva’. (VIII.
26.13ab).

(YAJNA-RATHA) :

(1) II.18.1 4 : ‘prata ratho navo yoji sasniscaturyugastrikasah
saptarasmih | dasaritro manusyah svarsah sa i§fibhirmatibhi ramhyo
bhut ||’

The chariot is the sacrifice as Sayana points out. According to
Prof. Velankar, full metaphor is probably not intended as Say. ex¬
plains and the figures indicate greatness of Indra’s chariot. One
obvious point leading to the metaphor is referred to in ‘d’, where the
chariot is said to be speedy on account of hymns and oblations. The
metaphor conveys the idea of the sacrifice being furthered by the
hymns. For the idea of the hymns being compared with horses, cf.
X.18.14, etc. (below); and oblations—cf. soma compared with horses
IX.36.1, 62.6, 64.29, 86.3, etc.

(2) III.2.8 : ‘rathlirtasya bfhato vicar?apiragnirdevanamabha-
vat purohitah’.

2. Vide Chapter VI p. 125.

3. Vide Chapter V pp. 103-104.

4 Vel. B.UJ. IX 1940 p. 89 fjx.

SACRIFICIAL, SIMTT.ES

251

The metaphor is suggested by the fact of Agni being referred
to as the charioteer of the (chariot in the form of the) Rta or the
sacrifice. The slesa on ‘purohita’, with Agni’s prominent place in
the sacrifice and that of the charioteer in the chariot in view is quite
obvious. The metaphor conveys the idea of Agni furthering the
sacrificial performance.

(3) IV.2.14 : ‘ratham na kranto apaso bhurijorrtam yemuh
sudhya asusanah’-

The priests are being considered as carpenters, who are fashion¬
ing the chariot of the sacrifice. The idea of skill (indicated by
‘apasah’), intelligence (indicated by ‘sudhyah’) and hard work (indi¬
cated by ‘asusanah’) is suggested as they are required in both.

(4) IX.62.17: ‘tarii triprsthe trivandhure rathe yuhjanti
yatave | r§inam sapta dhitibhih’.

The metaphor is based on the soma being conceived as a horse
yoked to the chariot (of sacrifice). The idea conveyed is of the pro¬
gress of the sacrifice on account of soma. For ‘triprstha ratha’ cf.
Chapter V. p. 103. The three seats possibly were the three fires.

(5) IX.89.4 : madhuprstham ghoramayasamasvarh rathe yuh-
jantyurucakra rsvarh | svasara 1m jamayo marjayanti sanabhayo
vajinamurjayanti ||’ The horse (i.e. soma) is said to be yoked to the
chariot (of sacrifice). The chariot is said to be multi-wheeled
(urucakra), indicating the different aspects of the sacrifice like the
pressing, mixing, offering, etc., as suggested by the epithets of the
soma and its description of being decorated by the fingers in the
manner of a horse. The metaphor thus suggests the multifarious
activities connected with the performance of the soma-sacrifice.

(6) X.93.9 : ‘indro. . . .esarh carsandnam cakram rasmim na
yoyuve’.

Indra is said to be guiding the chariot of sacrifice indicated by
reference to the ‘wheel’ and the ‘reins’. For the idea of gods guiding
the sacrifice, cf. Chapter III. p. 42.

(7) X.101.7 : ‘prinitasvan hitarh jayatha svastivaharh rathamit-
krqudhvaih’.

The metaphor indicates the winning of the blessings or fortune,
when the horses (soma-juices) are well-maintained.

(8) X.114.6 : ‘yajfiam vimaya kavayo mani?a rksamabhyam
pra ratham vartayanti’.

The measurement of the sacrifice implies a similar measurement
by the carpenter before fashioning a chariot and ‘j-k’ and ‘saman’
setting the chariot going are apparently conceived as horses.

•262

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(YAJNA-ASVA) :

(1) VII.43.2 : ‘pra yajna etu hetvo na saptih’.

The sacrifice is compared with a speedy horse (a race horse),
winning prizes as indicated at X.101.7 above.

(YAJNA-NAU) :

The metaphor of the sacrifice as a boat (X. 101.2, ‘a tanudhvarh
navam; X. 105.9, ‘sajurnavam svayasasam’), with hymns as the oars
(VIII.42.3, ‘yaya-dhiya-ati visva durita tarema sutarmanamadhi
navam ruhema; X.63.10, ‘daivlm navam svaritram; X.101.2, navam-
aritraparanim), which can help a person to cross all the adversities
(VIII.42.3; VIII.18.17, ‘yu§makam nava ati visvani durita pipartana)
and lead him to well-being (X.63.10, asravantima ruhema svastaye),
is referred to in a few places. To convey the idea of the importance
of the sacrificial performances for the social order and well-being,
it is also said that those who do not resort to it, come to grief (X.44.6,
na ye sekuryajniyam navamaruhamirmaiva te nyavisanta kepayah).

(YAJNA-KR$I) :

(1) X.101.3-6 imply this metaphor. Certain aspects of sacrifice
are referred to as ploughing (v.3, yunakta sira), others as sowing
(vapateha bijam), still others as reaping (v.3, srnyah pakvameyat).
In vv. 4-6, the soma-vessels (v.5, nirahavan krnotana) and the
sprinkling of juice (vv. 5-6), may indicate the sprinkling of rain for
the crops and complete the metaphor.

(YAJfJA-MANU) :

X.100.5 : ‘yajno manuh pramatirnah pita’.

The metaphor indicates the importance of the sacrifice even
for the origination of the human race. The suggestion of cosmic
importance associated with the sacrifice indicates the importance
of the sacrifice for the general understanding of the problem of
human life in all its aspects.

(B) HYMNS COMPARED—

(WITH OFFERINGS) :

(1) 1.61.1 : ‘asmai. .. .prayo na harmi stomam mahinaya’. The
hymn is compared with sacrificial food (prayas) in respect of delight¬
fulness.

(2) 1.61.2 : ‘asma idu praya iva pra yamsi bharamyahgu?am
badhe suvfkti’. Both the hymn (ahgu§am) and food are offered.

(3) VII.36.2 : ‘imam vam mitravaruna suvrktimi§am na krnve
asura naviyah’. Just like the food to be offered, the composition is
also said to be fresh.

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

253

(4) II.16.1 : ‘pra vah satam jyesthatamaya sustutimagnaviva
samidhane havirbhare’. The idea is of offering both as in (2) above.
The comparison of Indra with Agni is implied. 5

(5) VII.13.1 : pragnaye. ...manma dhitim bharadhvam j bhare
havirna barhisi prinano vaisvanaraya |j). The idea is of offering both
to propitiate the divinity (indicated by prinanab).

(6) 1.110.6 : ‘a manisamantarik$asya nrbhyah sruceva ghrtam
juhavama vidmana’. The idea is of knowing the way in which ghrta
is offered (indicated by ‘vidmana’), implying the skill or the ease
with which the hymns are supposed to be composed.

(7) III.2.1 : ‘vaisvanaraya dhisanamrtavrdhe ghrtam na puta-
magnaye janamasi’. By referring to the purity of ghee required for
the sacrifice, the purity of the hymn required for the sacrifice is
suggested.

(8) V.12.1 : ‘ghrtam na yajna asye suputam giram bhare vrsa-
bhaya praticlm |’. The idea is of offering and purity as in (2) (7)

(9), (10), (14).

(9) VI.10.2 : ‘ghrtam na suci matayah pavante’. Hymns are
said to be pure like ghee.

(10) VIII.12.4 : ‘imam stomamabhistye ghrtam na putamadri-
vah j’ cf. (7), (8) above. The divinity is said to be granting protec¬
tion by the hymn as by the ghrta.

(11) VIII.39.3 : ‘agne manmani tubhyam kam ghrtam na juvha
asani’.

The main idea is of offering, cf. also X.91.15.

(12) 1.169.4 : ‘stutasca yaste cakananta vayoh stanam na
madhvah pipayanta vajaih’.

The comparison is in respect of swelling with sweet drink and
producing rewards (vaja). 6

(13) V.41.3 : ‘uta va divo asuraya manma prandhamsiva
yajyave bharadhvam’.

The hymn is compared with soma-juice as both are to be brought
for offering.

(14) VI.8.1 : ‘vaisvanaraya matirnavyasl sucih soma iva pavate
caruragnaye’.

Freshness, purity and attractiveness are emphasized as charac¬
terizing the hymns as well as the soma-juice.

(15) VII.64.5, 65.5 : ‘esa stomo varuna mitra tubhyam somah
sukro no vayave’yami’.

5. Vel. B.U.J. IX 1940 p. 85 f.n.

6. cf. Vel. B.U.J. XX 1951 p. 27 f.n,

•254

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

For the idea of freshness and purity associated with soma-juice
to Vayu, cf. Chapters III and V. It may be noted that the sacrificial
association of Vayu with the soma-juice has given rise to the simile.

(16) IV.41.8 : ‘sriye na gava upa somamasthurindrarh giro
varunarh me manisah’.

Like milk going towards the soma juice, the hymns are said to
be attending upon Indra and Varuna for the sake of glory. The
sacrificial association of soma with milk gives rise to the simile.

(17) 1.116.1 : ‘nasatyabhyam barhiriva pravrnje stoman iyarmi’.

The comparison is in respect of offering and the skill required
in fashioning the two for the sacrifice.

(18) VIII.103.6 : ‘madhorna patra prathamanyasmai pra stoma
yantyagnaye’. The comparison is in respect of ‘going first’. The
soma juice is of course kept ready earlier.

(WITH AGNI)

IV.41.1 : indra ko vam varuna sumnamapa stomo havismaii
amrto na hota | yo vam hrdi kratuman asmaduktah pasparsadindra-
varuna namasvan |j)

Though the main point is of winning the favour of Indra and
Varuna, the comparison of the hymn with Agni, who is referred to
as ‘amrto hota’ as contrasted with the mortal hotr priest, is more
significant inasmuch as both the hymn and Agni are associated with
oblations (havisman) and both appeal to the heart of the gods (hrdi
pasparsat), Agni by going to the gods and thus coming into close
contact of the gods and the hymns metaphorically doing so.

(WITH HORSE) :

1.61.5 : asma idu saptimiva sravasya indrayarkam juvha
samanje’.

The comparison is in respect of decoration, but the idea of
‘desire for glory’ (sravasya) as the purpose in the employment of
both is also quite clear.

X.18,14 : ‘praticlm jagrabha vacamasvam ralanaya yatha’.
The simile occurs in a verse not commented upon by Sayana. 7 The
idea sought to be expressed is apparently of firm grasp and progres¬
sive movement.

X.46.5 : ‘nayanto garbham vanarh dhiyam dhurhirismasrurh
narvanam dhanarcam’ | The hymn is compared with a golden
coloured horse in respect of brightness and also the ability to win
wealth (dhanarcam).

7. SRL p. 386.

SACRIFICIAL SIMIT.ES

2 55

(WITH THE YOKE OF THE CHARIOT)

X.93.12 : ‘etam me stomam.| samvananarh nasvyaih

ta$tevanapacyutam’.

The idea implied is of the skill in fashioning the yoke on the
part of the carpenter, ‘anapacyutam’ seems to indicate the firmness
of the hymn. The point is clarified by the comparison of the com¬
poser with the carpenter (tasteva). The hymn considered as the
yoke also suggests the comparison of the sacrifice with the chariot
and also the fact of the hymn forming the foremost aspect of the
sacrifice.

(WITH CHARIOT):

V.60.1 : ‘rathairiva prabhare vajayadbhih pradaksininmarutam
stomamrdhyam’ |

The hymn is compared with the chariot as both are instrumental
in winning wealth and are possessed of speed in reaching the desti¬
nation. cf. the following simile and also IX.69.1 and X.42.1 below.

VIII.3.15 : udu tye madhumattama girah stomasa irate | satrajito
dhanasa aksitotayo vajayanto ratha iva j|

The speed (udirate), ability to win wealth (dhanasa) and protection
are the points of comparison.

X.39.14 : etarh vam stomamasvinavakarmataksama bhrgavo
na ratham |

The poetess ‘Ghosa’ compares herself and her family with
Bhrgus, apparently in respect of the fashioning of an efficacious
hymn and also with carpenters (indicated by ‘atak$ama’), fashioning
a chariot, cf. IV.16.20. ‘brahmakarma bhrgavo na ratham’.

(WITH CHARIOTEER) :

VIII.95.1 : ‘a tva giro rathlrivasthuh sute?u girvanah’.

With the pressed out soma-juice ready, the hymns are said to
be going to Indra, even as the charioteer (goes to the chariot). 8

(WITH ARROW) :

(1) IX.69.1 : i§urna dhanvan pratidhiyate matih |

In comparing the hymn with the arrow on the bow, the idea
indicated is apparently of being ready and reaching the destination
with speed.

(2) X.42.1 : ‘asteva su pratararh layamasyan bhusanniva pra-
bhara stomamasmai’.

8. Vel. B.U.J. XVI 1947.

256

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

By the comparison of the priest with the ‘archer’, the compari¬
son of the hymn with the arrow is suggested and the latter half
suggests the comparison of the hymns with decoration. The pleasing
aspect and the speed are the points of comparison. 9

(WITH SHOWER OF RAIN) :

VII.94.1 : ‘iyam vamasya manmana indragnl purvyastutih |
abhradvrstirivajani’.

The glory that both of them bring is apparently in view of the
poet.

(WITH RIVER) :

VI. 36.3 : ‘samudram na sindhava ukthasu?ma uruvyacasam
gira a visanti’.

The greatness of Indra is indicated as unfathomable by any
number of hymns offered to him. 10

X.25.4 : ‘samu pra yanti dhitayah sargaso’vatan iva’.

The speed in going to the destination is the common point
indicated.

(WITH BOAT) :

X.116.9: ‘prendragnibhyam suvacasyamiyarmi sindhaviva
preray am navamarkaih’.

The ease and the speed in reaching the destination are indicated
and the comparison of the sacrifice with the ocean suggested.

(WITH BRANCHES) :

VII. 43.1 : ‘yesam brahmanyasamani vipra visvagviyanti vanino
na sakhah’ cf. Chapter II, p. 43.

Difference in hymns in honour of different divinities is indicated.
(AS IF MOVING ON FEET) :

VIII. 12.31 : ‘imam ta indra sustutim vipra iyarti dhitibhih j
jamim padeva pipratlm pradhvare j|’

Brisk movement of the hymn in the sacrificial performance
(i.e. its recital) is indicated as it is said to be directed by the singer.
The feet intended by the poet would be either the words or prefera¬
bly the quarters (lines) of the verses. 11

(WITH THE SONG OF THE PRESSING STONE) :

IV.3.3 : The idea is of common worship of god (lie).

9. Vel. B.UJ. XXI 1952 p. 13.

10. Vel. B.UJ. XI 1942.

11. Vel. B.UJ. XIV 1945 p. 19 fa».

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

Vt7

VII. 18.25 : ‘imam naro marutah saicatanu divodasam na
pitaram sudSsah’-

The comparison is in respect of receiving the divine favour by
performances of sacrifices.

VIII. 3.12 : ‘sagdhi yatha rusamam syavakam kfpamindrah
pravah svarnaram!’. The comparison is in respect of help received
from Indra through the sacrificial performances. For Rusamas cf.
Chapter VIII. p.

IX. 82.5 : ‘yatha purvebhyah. . . .paryayah. . . . eva pavasva suvi-
taya navyase’.

The comparison implies the idea of the new soma performances
being as good as the old ones in winning the divine favour.

X. 13.1 : ‘vi sloka etu pathyeva sureh\ The hymn is said to
be proceeding as if on the path of the patrons. The path is appa¬
rently of the sacrifices, supported by the patrons previously.

(b) PRIESTS :

There are a number of similes with individual priests or families
as the standard of comparison on account of the composition of
hymns for the sacrifices or on account of certain specific sacrificial
performances.

(1) Angirasas :

III.31.19; VIII.40.12, 43.13 ; Some poets of Visvamitra, Kapva
and Ahgiras families compare themselves with Angirasas in respect
of invocations and sacrificial service.

(2) Atri :

At V.4.9, 7.8, 22.1, 51.8-10, 72.1, later poets of the family are
comparing themselves with their ancestor in respect of Agni worship
as well as specific soma offerings. At VIII.5.25, a Kanva poet is
mentioning Atri as a standard along with Kanva Priyamedha etc.
At VIII.35.19 and 36.7, Syavaiva is referring to Atri in respect of
hymns (purvyastuti, 35.19) and sacrifices (sunvatah and karmapi
kurvatah, 36.1).

(3) Apnavana : VIII. 102.4.

(4) Usanas : IX.97.7, soma is compared with U&anas in respect
of the sweet music of its flow.

(5) Kanva: VIII.6.11, 52.8. The comparison is in respect of
the same points as in the case of Atri.

(6) Jamadagni ; IX.97.51 : ‘arjeya’ i.e. the priestly skill of
Jamadagni is the basis of the comparison.

S. H. -IT

258

Sacrifice in the rgveda

(7) Bhpgus :

IV.16.20; VIII.43.13, 102,4; X.39.14, 101.13; Bhpgus are indicated
to be wellknown for their invocations and poetic and artistic com¬
positions (cf. Chapter VII and Chapter VIII ‘aradhas’.)

(8) Manu :

III.32.5; VI.68.1; VII.11.3; VIII.10.2, 43.13, 27; Manu is referred
to as an ancient sacrificer fit to be imitated in his divine worship
(yajadhyai, 68.1).

(9) Vyasva :

VIII. 23.23, 24.22, 26.9; IX.65.7.

In the first three similes a descendant of Vyasva is quoting him
as in ideal but in the last, a Bhrgu or Jamadagni poet (according to
Anuk.) is considering him as an ideal soma-sacrificer.

(10) Sthurayupa :

At VIII.23.24, a descendant of Vyasva is considering him as an
ideal priest.

Sometimes certain priests of old are referred to in general as
ideals in the sacrificial performances. Thus, at IV.2.16, a Vamadeva
poet is referring to his ancestors in respect of their work for sacri¬
fices (asu$anah).

At VI.19.4 and 42.6, the comparison is in respect of the divine
help received by the ancient sages.

There are certain similes with certain functions of the priests
as the common points expressed or suggested.

IX. 95.5, cf. under ‘upavaktp’ in Chapter VII, p. 167.

(hotr) : At IX.97.26, the comparison is in respect of both being
delightful and sacrificing to the gods. At IX.97.47 (hoteva yati
samanesu rebhan), the flowing soma-juice is compared with the
hotr singing and moving about.

IX. 101.15 : ‘havih pavitre avyata vedha na yonimasadam’. The
idea conveyed is of movement and taking the appointed place in
the case of both the soma-juice and the priest.

1.83.6 : ‘grava yatra vadati karurukthyah’. The comparison
is in respect of sweet musical sound.

(Udgatr) : II.43.1, 2 (cf. Chapter VII, p. 164).

VII.103.1 : ‘samvatsaram sasayana brahmana vratacarinah.. . .
vacam. . . .manduka avadisuh’. The comparison is in respect of the
vow for a year as also of becoming vocal at a certain appointed time.

VII.103.7 , 12 The idea is of sitting round the soma vessel (saro
na purnam abhitah) and reciting the mantras (vadantah) on an
appointed day (samvatsarasya tadahah).

12. Vide ‘atiratra’ in Chapter VI p. 127 and Chapter XI p. 241,

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

259

VII.103.8 : ‘adhvaryavo gharminah sisvidanah’. The compari¬
son of the frogs with the sweating Adhvaryus indicates how hard
the latter must be working for the soma-pressing (vide Chapter VII
‘adhvaryu’, p. 163).

VII.103.9 : ‘devahitim jugupurdvadasasya ytum naro na prami-
nantyete’. The idea conveyed is of the fixing up of a day for a parti¬
cular performance and then carry it out without failure.

The idea of the priests sitting round in a soma-ritual is referred
to at VII.103.7 (see above), VIII.33.1 (pari.... asate), VII.32.2 (ime
hi te brahmakrtah sute saca madhau na mak?a asate), 1.55.8 (avj-taso
avataso na kartj-bhih).

The similes at X.78.1 (vipraso na manmabhih svadhyah | devavyo
na yajnaih svapnasah;i) indicate the importance of the priests in
the sacrificial performances. Maruts are compared here with the
inspired singer-priests as both of them are wise thinkers (svadhyah) 13
on account of their well thought out hymns. By such performances,
the people came to be considered as good workers (svapnasah). 14

(D) :

As we have observed elsewhere, the sacrifice has progressed
with the idea of divinity. The idea of divinity was also influenced
by the social circumstances of the time. When we find that divini¬
ties are sought to be described in terms of sacrifice or its accessories,
we can realise the influence the sacrifice had got on the social and
religious thought of the time.

A broad illustration may be taken in this connection. It is
known that Agni is compared with the hotr and purohita or is merely
referred to as the hotr and purohita, indicating how the functions
of the hotr and purohita had come to be identified with those of Agni.
This identification carried further made Agni the brahmin among
the gods, when the hotr necessarily meant a brahmin. Similarly
Indra was referred to as ‘suri’ or ‘maghavan’ (the liberal patron)
because his function also was to give liberal gifts even like that of
the patrons. This can be seen in a simile (1.168.7 below), where
the gift of the god is compared with the ‘dak^ina’ in the sacrifice.
Other functions like being brave, fighting with and defeating the
enemies were also common and hence the gods came to be compared
with or identified with the patrons. It is this process carried further
that made Indra a ‘ksatriya’, because in later days the patrons were
the ksatriyas.

13. As opposed to them are mentionedd the ‘duradhyah’ at 1X79.3 (dhanvanna
trsna samarlta tan abhi. soma jahi pavamana duradhyah), where they are
expected to be abandoned by Soma.

14. For the idea of activity as sacrifice cf. 'Karmajan viddhi tan Sarvan’ Gita IV.32b.

2G0

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

With this broad idea in mind, it can be understood that a number
of other things connected with the sacrifice have also had their
share in the description of the divinities.

There are a number of similes with Agni as the priest, also
indicating some other points concerning the sacrifice.

V. 43.3 : ‘hoteva nah prathamah pahyasya’. As the soma was
offered in Agni, he was naturally the first drinker. It also appears
that when the priests would drink the juice, the hotr was to drink
first.

VI. 3.6 : ‘sa im rebho na prati vasti usrah’. Both the priest
and the fire appear in the morning, cf. VII.63.3 below.

VI.4.1 : ‘yatha hotarmanu?o devatata yajnebhih suno sahaso
yajasi’.

Agni and the priest both worship the gods.

VI. 11.4 : ‘ayurh na yam namasa ratahavya anjanti supraya-
sam pancajanah’.

The pancajanas are said to be worshipping Agni like Ayu,
carrying good oblations (prayas). 15 This Ayu is different from Ayu
mentioned at 1.53.10, II.14.7, VI.18.3, who is said to be defeated by
Indra along with Kutsa. So Ayu appears to refer to some priest who
had come to be worshipped for his sacrificial service, indicated by
‘suprayas’.

This person has not come to be worshipped as a divinity like
the Rbhus.

VII. 7.3 : ‘prinite agnirilito no hota’.

Agni is said to be pleased when worshipped like the hot}-. The
idea of pleasing the priest is indicated.

VII.30.3 : ‘nyagnih sldadasuro na hota’.

The idea is of the hotr priest established for the purposes of
the sacrifice (see Chapter VII, pp. 161-163).

VII. 63.3 ‘vibhrajamana usasamupasthad rebhairudeti anuma-
dyamanah'.

With the morning rites in view the association of Surya with
singers is referred to.

VIII. 44.29 : ‘dhlro hyasyadmasad vipro na jagrvih sada’.

Residence in the house and watchfulness are the points of com¬
parison concerning the sacrifice.

X.21.1 : ‘agnirh na svavrktibhirhotaram tva vrnimahe’.

The idea of choosing the hotr priest for the sacrifice is referred
to.

15. Vide Chapter V p 113.

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

261

X.78.4 : ‘abhi svartarah arkam na sustubhah and X.78.5, visva-
rupa angiraso na samabhih’.

Maruts are compared with the priests in general or Angirasas
in respect of the singing (of hymns).

X.115.3 : ‘asa vahnim na soci$a virapsinam’. With crackling
sound from the flames, Agni is compared with priests reciting chants
through their lips.

1.55.8 : ‘avftaso avataso na kartrbhistanusu te kratava indra
bhurayah’.

The powers residing in Indra are compared with priests sur¬
rounding the soma lake. For the idea, cf. VIII.103.7 in (C) above. 1R

VI. 71.5 : Savitr is compared with upavakty in respect of direc¬
tion 17 .

The gift of the gods is compared with the gift of the patrons
ultimately leading to the comparison of the gods with the patrons
at 1.168.7, ‘bhadra vo ratih pfnato no dak$ina.’

The gift of Maruts is compared with the sacrificial gift of the
patrons (prnat) at 1.169.4, ‘tvam tu na indra tam rayim da ojisthaya
dak$ipayeva ratim’

VII. 59.7, ‘naro na ranvah savane madantah’ and IV.1.8, ‘sada
ranvah pitumativa samsad’ indicate the idea of patrons or their
assembly taking delight in the sacrifices.

At 1.168.3 and X.78.2, Maruts are compared with soma juices
in respect of some assistance rendered in the sacrifice (‘duvas’ in
168.3 and ‘sarma’ in 78.2).

At IV. 1.19, Agni appearing bright is compared with the milk
and soma-juice at the place of sacrifice.

VIII. 96.21, ‘krnvannapamsi narya puruni somo na pito havyah
sakhibhyah’. Indra is compared with soma as both perform a
number of manly deeds and are fit to be invoked. For the former
idea cf. IX.88.4, indro na yo maha karmani cakrih’ and for the latter
cf. 1.179.5 and VIII.48.4. 18

X. 149.5 ; ‘avase vandamanah somasyevamsum pratijagaraham’.

The idea is of waiting upon the god as upon the soma plant or
juice. Perhaps the ‘tiroanhya’ soma is in view of the poet which
would be required to be guarded after pressing during the night.

At 1.175.1, the glory of Indra is compared with the soma
vessel. 19

16. For ’avata’ as a soma lake. cf. IV.50.3 tubhyam khata avata adridugdhah’ for

a different interpretation cf. Vel. B.U.J. XVTI 1948 p. 20.

17. cf. Chapter VII, p. 167 for ‘upavaktr’.

18. Vel. B.U.J. XVI 1947.

19. Vel. B.U.J. XX 1951.

262

SACRIFICE IN THE FtGVEDA

At VI.66.10, Maruts are compared with the brilliance of
the sacrifice. At 1.73.3, ‘anavadya patiju?feva nari’, the pure sacri¬
ficial fire is compared with a chaste woman liked by her husband.
The idea of kindling fire in an approved fashion is also indicated.

VII. 34.5, ‘abhi prasthata aheva yajham’. With ‘days going to
the sacrifice’ as the upamana, the close association of days with
sacrifices right from the beginning is indicated.

(WITH THE PRESSING STONES) :

11.39.1, ‘gravapeva tadidartham jarethe’. 20

.Asvins are compared with the pressing stones in respect of sing¬
ing the selfsame thing, 21 indicating possibly the soma juice which
is pressed out by the stones and liked by Asvins.

V.25.8, ‘tava dyumanto arcayah graveva ucyate bfhat’. The
crackling sound produced by the flames of fire is being compared
with the sound of the pressing stones.

VIII. 26.24, 22 tvarh. .. . nr§adane$u humahe \ gravanam nasva-
pj-stham mamhana j| Vayu is compared with the pressing stones
and the soma plant, with a horse on it. The idea appears to be that
both of them drink the soma-juice first. For the idea of Vayu drink¬
ing the soma-juice first, cf. 1.134.6, II.11.14 23 and the pressing stones,
doing so cf. X.94.2 (Chapter IV. p. 84).

(WITH VARIOUS OTHER MATERIALS OF SACRIFICE) :

V.19.4, ‘gharmo na vajajatharah’ Agni with oblation in it is
compared with gharma 24 having the milk in it.

1.92.5, ‘svarum na peso vidathesvanjan citrarh. . . .’

U§as is compared with the white ‘svaru’ 26 cf. III.8.9 (Chap. IV,
p. 78). IV.6.3, ‘udu svarurnavaja na’. Agni is compared similarly.
IV.51.2, ‘asthuru citra u§asah purastanmita iva svaravo adhvare?u’.

The idea of brightness, firmness and standing at regular distance
from each other are the common points.

VII.10.2, ‘aroci, yajnarh tanvana usijo na manma’. Agni is com¬
pared with the hymn of the poet possibly in respect of performing
the sacrifice (yajnarh tanvana). Both Agni and hymn are essential
for the performance.

20. Geldner I. p. 326 f.n.

21. cf. VIII.2.16; X.106.1.

22. Chapter IV p. 84.

23. Vide Chapter V, p. 105 above.

24. Vide Chapter IV, p. 82.

25. Vide Chapter IV pp. 78-9.

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

•208

(WITH GHRTA) :

At IV.1.6 and IV.10.6, Agni is compared with ghrta in respect
of purity, cf. VIII.12.13. 26

Gods going to the worshippers are compared with flies towards
‘madhu’, at IV.45.4. cf. VII.32.2 for priests compared similarly.

At VIII.35.9, they are compared with ‘syena’. For the idea of
eagerness and speed cf. X.61.3 (‘mano na. . . .dravanta’) where they
are compared with mind.

(MISCELLANEOUS SIMILES) :

At X.78.3, Maruts with their gifts are compared with the bless¬
ings of the pitrs.

At 1.58.2 and 60.7 Agni with oblations in it is compared with
horse decorated on its back.

At 1.59.1, Vaisvanara is compared with ‘sthuna’ indicating the
fact of Agni being the main-stay on account of the sacrifices.

At 1.59.3, like lustres in the sun, the wealth is said to be firmly
residing (dhruvaso) in Agni, indicating the sacrifice to be the source
of material prosperity. At X.4.1, ‘dhanvanniva prapa asi tvamagna
iyaksave purave’, Agni is said to be like ‘oasis’ in the desert, indi¬
cating the importance of Agni for the sacrificing people.

At 1.16.5, V.36.1, VII.98.1, VIII.4.3, 10, 33.2, 27 45.24, the eager¬
ness of Indra for the soma juice is described by his comparison with
a bull going to the drinking place. The same is indicated by his
comparison with a gambler at VIII.45.38 2a

For the same reason, Asvins are compared with buffalos at
VIII.35.7, 9 and Maruts with bulls at VIII.87.1.

Indra impelled by the soma-pressers is compared with a horse
at VIII.49.5, 50.5.

The two jaws of Indra are compared with two sruvas at X.96.9.
For the idea of sruva carrying the soma-juice, cf. Chapter IV. pp.80-81.

The ease and the skill with which Indra destroyed the enemies
of Sudas is compared with the cutting of the ‘barhis’ grass at 1.63.7,
VII.18.11.

(E) :

V.33.5 : Indra is compared with Bhaga as both are fit to be
invoked (havya). For the idea with Bhaga, cf. VII.41.5. 29

26. Vel. B.UJ. XIV 1945 takes ‘ghrtam na asan’ as equivalent to Agni. But
Indra can be understood as compared with ghrta here.

27. Vel. B.U J. XV 1946 p. 3 f.n.

28. op.cit p. 8.

29. for a different interpretation cf. Vel. B.U.J. VIII 1939 pp. 17-18.

204

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

VIII.1.26. Indra is compared with Vayu in respect of drinking
first (cf. under VIII.26.24, above, p. 262).

VIII.12.33 30 Indra is compared with Agni in respect of gifts
given.

VIII.25.19. Surya is compared with Agni looking bright with
oblations offered therein.

VIII.74.2, ‘yam janaso havi§manto mitram na sarpirasutim’.
Agni is compared with Mitra in respect of the offering of ‘sarpis’.
For the idea of ghrta being the popular offering with Mitra and
Varupa, cf. Chapter III. p. 58.

VIII. 94.6, Indra is compared with Agni in respect of drinking
soma in the morning. For ‘hotj-’ meaning Agni, cf. VIII.12.33 above.

IX. 104.1. In respect of glorification by sacrifices, soma is com¬
pared with Agni (yajnai paribhusata sriye).

IX. 105.1, ‘sisum na yajnaih svadayanta gurtibhih’. Soma is
compared with Agni as both are instrumental in the sacrifices and
utterances and both have the same function of ‘sweetening’ (svada¬
yanta).

X. 7.6, Agni is asked to accept oblations for himself as for other
gods. X.46.7, ‘vayavo na somah’.

Winds physically and soma juices metaphorically increase the
strength of Agni.

X.40.3, Asvins going to savanas are compared with two princes.
(F) SOMA SIMILES :

Soma as the most popular and effective offering of the sacrifice
has evoked a very large number of similes connected with the various
stages of its pressing. Howsoever interesting a detailed study of
those similes may be it is not undertaken here beyond a reference
to the variety and some occasional comments as the same is not
quite pertinent from the point of view of our present problem.

(1) Washing of the plant with water: Soma is compared with
a horse or a man being bathed (fingers of the hand being compared
with a woman or women) at IX.6.5, 56.3, 57.3, 65.26.

(2) Soma juice flowing across the strainer to the vessels is the
point of description of the majority of these similes.

It is compared with a horse in nearly forty places (IX.6.5, 10.2,
36.1, 43.5, 64.3 etc.); with a wild beast (IX.32.4); with a lion (IX.
89.3, 97.28) with a buffalo (IX.33.1, 69.3 etc.); with a bull (IX.71.9,
85.9, etc.); with a hawk (IX.38.4, 61.21, 67.15, 71.6, 96.23 etc.); with
a chariot IX.3.5, 10.1, 69.9, etc; with a king IX.7.5, 10.3, 82.1, 86.40,

30. Vel. B.UJ. XIV 1945 p. 19.

SACRIFICIAL SIMILES

265

etc.; with the sound produced on the strainer in view, it is compared
with shouting of warriors striking in battles at IX.69.2; cf. also
IX.13.6, 43.5, 45.4. With sound and lustre in view it is compared
with various divinities. Thus with Maruts at IX.70.6, 88.7, etc.;
with Surya at IX. 54.2, 63.13, 84.2 etc; with Savitf at IX.97.48; with
Aryaman at 1.91.3; it is also compared with a singer at IX.71.7;
with a child at IX.74.1; with the ‘vajra of Indra’ at IX.77.1.

The flow of its stream is compared with the shower from heaven
at IX.17.2, 97.30; with rivers flowing speedily along slopes at IX.
17.1, 80.5, 107. 12 etc.

(3) Purified soma-juice reaching the vessels is compared with
a bull going to the herds at IX.76.5, 96.20; with a clean washed
garment at IX.69.4; with a horse reaching the winning post IX.74.8,
93.1; with rivers reaching the sea at IX.88.6; 107.9; with a king
going to the assembly at IX.92.6.

(4) Soma flowing towards and resting in Indra is described
with Indra as the ocean, as he drinks ample soma-juice, cf. 1.30.3
110.1; VIII.49.3; IX.108.16.

(5) Soma mixed with milk is described as putting on a cloak
as the colour would change to that of milk. cf. VIII. 1.17; IX.57.3,
107.26, etc.; with a horse decorated at IX.32.3, 43.1.

Soma mixed with curds and ghee is compared with sun in lustre
at IX.101.12.

(6) It is compared with the devotion of the worshippers at
IX.97.46. People with soma are compared with men with fodder
at VIII.45.16. Indra-soma relationship is described in a characteristic
simile at IX.86.16 ‘sakha na sakhyuh praminati samgiram’.

On account of the connection of soma with sacrifice and through
it to the laws governing the universe, the place of soma is compared
with the laws of Varuna at 1.91.3 (rajno nu te Varunasya vratani
bi'had gabhlram tava soma dhama). For the same reason, soma is
said to be the pillar, supporting heaven and earth at IX.74.2 (divo
yah skambho dharunah); also 86.35, 46; 87.2, 89.6.

With such important position occupied by soma in the sacrifice,
he even comes to be identified with the sacrifice (IX. 10.3, yajno na
sapta dhatfbhih). The comparison is in respect of association with
the seven priests.

As winning wealth in thousands (sahasrapsah) and victorious
in battles (prtana^af), it is compared with sacrifice at IX.88.7.

It is identified with a mighty sacrifice at IX.56.1 (.soma rtam
bphat).

!?d6 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

The idea of soma pursuing the evil-doer and destroying him
gives rise to similes where he is compared with a club at IX.97.16
and a creditor at IX.110.1.

For a simile of ethical importance, referring to the influence
of soma in glorifying terms cf. IX.97.18 (explained in Chapter XIII.).
The universal prevalence of the soma sacrifice is indicated at IX.41.6
(pari nah sarmayantya dharaya soma vLsvatah i sara raseva vi$tapam)
where the soma-juice is said to be flowing all-round like the river
Rasa.

(G) :

(a) 1.169.3, ‘apo na dvipam dadhati prayamsi’. (cf. ‘prayas’

Chapter V.). The sacrificial offering arranged round the fire gives
rise to the simile. V.43.7, piturna putra upasi pre$tha a gharmo agnim
. .. . asadi’. Gharma vessel on fire is compared with a son on the lap
of his father. The idea is of the pot heated for a long time (cf.
‘gharma’ in Chapter IV. p. 82). At VII.43.3, gods sitting on the vedi
are compared with sons with their mother. VII.22.1, ‘yam te su$ava
haryasvadrih soturbahubhyam suyato narva’. Like the upper press¬
ing-stone (Chapter IV. p. 83), horse is also controlled with both the
hands. For a similar idea cf. also X.76.2. VII.39.1, ‘bhejate adri
rathyeva pantham’. The pressing stones are compared with persons
going in a chariot, the goal of the former being the sacrifice.

At 1.140.lbc, the altar is said to be the food and the hymn, to
be the garment of the gods. At VI.64.6, sacrificers with food are
compared with birds as both become active in the morning
(vyu?(au).

At VII.93.3, the invoking persons are compared with horses
approaching the winning post in respect of winning the prizes
(arvanto na kastham nak^amanah).

At VIII.19.27, the oblation towards the gods is compared with
the son towards the father as both grow in the household (subhrto
durone).

At IX.12.12, the priests invoking Indra are compared with cows
lowing to the calf.

At X.25.1, people delighting in soma sacrifices are compared
with cows enjoying in the pastures, both receiving the nourishment.

At X.43.7, gods are said to be growing on account of sacrifices
as ‘yava’ by the shower of rain.

At X.62.9, the gift of Savarpya is compared with Sindhu in
expansion (paprathe) and regarding its being inapproachable by
others, it is compared with heaven (diva iva sanu).

SACRIFICIAL SIMII.ES

267

At X.101.7, the storing place of the soma juice is compared with
a well and the well-guarded churning place is compared with a
fortress at X.101.8.

(b) At 1.63.7 and VII.18.11, Indra is said to be destroying the
enemies of Sudas with skill and ease with which the barhis is cut.

At 1.116.24, the ease with which Rebha has been picked up by
Alvins is indicated by the comparison of the act with the picking
up of the soma juice by a ‘sruva’.

At VII.104.2, ‘indrasoma’ are requested to see that sin surrounds
the sinful persons as fire surrounds a ‘caru’. The idea of the ‘caru’,
being surrounded on all sides by fire is in the mind of the poet,
‘agha’ (sin) and fire both have the tormenting effect (tapus).

At X.39.2, the gift given by Asvins to the patrons is compared
with the charming soma juice in respect of the attractive character
of both. At X. 109.5, the idea of soma carried in the ladle reaching
the gods is stressed.

X.191.2, ‘deva bhagam yatha purve sanjanana upasate’. 3 ;

As indicated above, the idea of offerings to different gods even
received willingly becomes the standard of comparison for peaceful
atmosphere in the sacrificial assembly.

The sacrificail gift of Asvamedha is compared with soma in
respect of attractive character, cf. X.39.2 (vide Chapter V. p. 103,
above).

At V.36.4, the singer priest (jarita) is compared with the ‘gravan’
inasmuch as both exert mu'-h (brhad asusana) and produce sound
(vacam iyarti).

At V.86.6, offering in general is compared with the offering of
the soma-juice.

At VIII.7.9, the sacrificial food lisah) is compared with ghpta
in respect of swelling (pipyusih).

Similarly ‘soma’ is compared with ‘ghrta’ at IX.67.11 and 12.

At IX.92.2, soma flowing towards and resting in ‘camus’ is
compared with the hotr priest occupying his seat.

X.21.3, cf. Chapter IV. p. 80.

X.76.5, ‘vibhvana cidasvapastarebhyah’. The pressing stones
are said to be doing their work more speedily than the Rbhus.

31. Vide Chapter IV, pp. 72-73

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

•2ftk

Apparently the poet has in mind the characteristic service of Vibhvan,
one of the Rbhus. In respect of quick and skilful service, Rbhus
had become the standard of comparison.

X.76.7, ‘duhanti udharupasecanaya kam naro na havya marja-
yanta asabhih’. The idea appears to be similar to that in V.36.4
above. X.78.6, ‘grSvano na surayah sindhumatarah’. (cf. under
‘svanaya Bhavya’ Chapter VIII). The pressing stones are taken
from the river Sindhu and the patrons reside on the banks of Sindhu.

X.91.15, ‘ahavi agne havirasye te sruclva ghrtam camviva
somah’. The offering in the mouth of Agni is compared with ‘ghrta’
in the ‘sruc’ and soma in the ‘camus’, in respect of their placing.

X.96.1 ‘pra te vanve vanugo haryatam madam | ghrtam na yo
haribhiscaru secata’.

Soma is compared with ‘ghrta’ in respect of its being sprinkled.

Chapter Thirteen

INFLUENCE OF THE SACRIFICE ON THE
SOCIAL ORGANISM AND IDEAS ABOUT
RELIGION, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY

wifa- i (rv x. 90.16)

ff ffff srr^’rfer g^Rrnr 1 (rv viii. 82.16)

3r#R-ir I (RV X. 77.4)

SYNOPSIS :

Sacrifice as a social institution—not developed as an isolated phenomenon—
impress on ideas in different spheres—Rgveda and Brahmana periods distinguished
for their varying approach—Variety of the hymns in the Rgveda indicative of
an experimentalist approach—analogy of the upanisads and later systems of
philosophy—classes orginating with the idea of practice of sacrifice—duties defined
in terms of sacrifice—Brahmana-Ksatriya quarrel for superiority not referred to
in the Rgveda—clashes in priestly families due to predilections in divine w'orship
—class of priests getting defined with duties in the sacrifice—emphasis on the
role of the patrons—importance of priests not overemphasized—sacrifice growing
with co-operation of all sections—daksina and social prestige—

The idea of the worship of individual divinities developing—popularity of
offerings—the idea of worshipping gods in groups for the purposes of the sacrifice
—composition of new hymns and the idea of divinities—indication of sacrificial
epithets—intimate relationship between the divinity and the sacrifice—

Soma-similes indicating the development of ethical ideas through the
sacrifice—faith in sacrifice—sacrifice not indicative of ‘give and take’ type of
religion—idea of mutual co-operation applied to all aspects of social life—sacrifice
as a duty—as a means towards an end—

Idea of sacrifice growing in close conformity with the idea of the Rta—with
the predominance of Indra, the emphasis shifted towards the idea of divinity—
philosophical conception in terms of sacrifice—the beginning of the later conception
of ‘devayana’ and ‘pitryana’ through the idea about sacrifice—concluding remark—

Sacrifice is essentially a social institution. It originates and
grows in a human society and according to the lines on which it is
allowed to grow, it helps to mould the growth of that society. If
thus we look at the sacrifice in the Rgveda, we find that it has not
developed as an isolated phenomenon but in association with the ideas
of social, religious and philosophical importance. The idea and prac¬
tice -of the sacrifice can be visualised as leaving their impress on the
growth of the ideas in the other spheres of the life of the Aryans and
moulding them into an organic whole, which can be designated as
the foundation of the Aryan culture and civilization.

270

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

The period of the Rgvedic hymns has to be distinguished from
that of the Brahmanas for the purposes of determining the nature of
the sacrifice as the two display a distinctly varying approach to the
problem of life in general. Thus while the hymns of the Rgveda
appear to think of different aspects of the problem of life, both rea¬
listic and idealistic, the Brahmanas specifically single out the sacri¬
fice for elaboration and glorification even at the cost of the growth of
other ideas essentially required for the adequate development of the
social organism.

In fact the variety of the hymns in the Rgveda of secular, reli¬
gious and philosophical importance is indicative of the experimen¬
talist approach of the Rgvedic Aryans in order to arrive at the nature
of the ultimate reality though it may be described variously (1.164.46
ekarh sadvipra bahudha vadanti). On the analogy of the relative
position between the Upanisads and the later philosophical systems,
it can be said that the hymns of the Rgveda merely record the varied
thoughts of the Aryans like the upani?ads; while the Brahmanas like
the later systems, take up only one particular aspect or point viz., the
sacrifice for systematisation.

On an analysis of the hymns of the Rgveda we find that sacrifice
runs like a thread through these speculations about the different
aspects of life, stringing them together and giving them a certain
shape. It is this aspect of the sacrifice that is to be adjudged broadly
during the course of the discussion in the present chapter.

In the early period of the Itgvedic hymns, the classes in the
society came into existence on account of the sacrifice. The mutual
relationship of the class of the patrons (‘suris’) and that of the singers
(‘jaritrs’), as also their relationship with the sacrifice have been dis¬
cussed previously (chapters VII and VIII). Though the family tra¬
ditions have developed in both the classes as seen above, the classes
do not appear to have become rigid as indicated by the story of
Devapi and Santanu (X.98) 1 . The idea of the class, later designated
as the ‘brahmins’ also appears to have originated with the sacrificial
ritual in view as indicated at VIII.58.1 (vide chap. VII p. 141), where
a ‘brahmana’ is said to have been selected by a sacrificer. The
brahmins however do not appear to have overemphasized their im¬
portance in the system of sacrifice, though ‘viprarajya’ is referred to
at VIII.3.4, where the word appears to indicate their superiority
over the other priests and not the ‘ksatriyas. 2 Their quarrels with
the ksatriyas have not been referred to in the hymns of the Rgveda,
though the Bharatas appear to be responsible for the supercession of
Visvamitra by Vasistha. The ridiculing reference to Vasistha
in III.53.23, the ironical references to Visvamitra in VII.18.7,

1. Vide Chapter VII, p. 141.

2. Vide discussion on ‘brahmana’ and ‘ksatriya’ in Chapter VII, p. 140-141.

INFLUENCE OF THE SACRIFICE

271

9. 10. 15), the protestations of Vasi§tha against the charge of
being a sorcerer levelled against him (VII.104.15) indicate rivalries
in the priestly fimilies culminating in such accusations. The
same is further supported by the reference to different tradi¬
tions in the worship of divinities indicated at V.2.6 3 , VI.67.9 4 ',
VIII.4.17 5 , 45.15 s . This rivalry in the priestly families has helped
the growth of the sacrifice as different families have tried to foster
the worship of different divinities or employed different modes of
worship for the purpose. The role of the Bhrgus, Atharvans, Dasag-
vans, Vasi?tha 7 and Visvamitra 8 referred to in chapter seven in this
connection particularly deserves notice. In general it is indicated at
X.78.1 9 , how the class of the priests attained a sort of status on
account of their intelligent work in the cause of the sacrifice.

The class of the patrons was also getting defined through its
efforts for the promotion of the sacrifice either individually or joint¬
ly (vide chapter VIII’, particularly VIII.25; 68; X.93). The import¬
ance of the sacrificer is emphasized by the employment of two signi¬
ficant epithets about him at 1.12.8, where ‘yajamana’ is called “havi-
spati’ and at X.170.1, where he is referred to as ‘yajnapati’, the lord
of sacrificial performances.

Just as the glory of the class of the patrons appears to be linked
up with its valour and liberality in the sacrificial performances, par¬
ticularly by associating with it the glorifying epithet ‘maghavan’ of
Indra, similarly the glory of the class of the priests was supposed
to lie in the composition of hymns for sacrifices as indicated at
X.62.4 10 . Thus it will be observed that the classes, which had come
into existence on account of the sacrifice were also growing on the
basis of ideas associated with their role in the sacrifice.

As long as the devotional approach to the sacrifice was maintain¬
ed, the emotional appeal of the idea of ‘daksina’ 11 also prevailed;
but with a little mechanisation of the idea of the sacrifice, ‘dak$ipa’
came to be associated with social prestige or freedom from blemish
as indicated at X.107.3 (narah prayatadaksinasah avadyabhiya
bahavah prnanti) and promises of social welfare came to be given
on the basis of the award of the ‘daksina’ as at X. 107.8 (na nyarthami-
yuh, na vyathante, idam visvarh bhuvanam daksina dadati; or v.7,
‘dak$inam varma krnute). This new technique of the sacrifice re-

3. ‘Atri’ Chapter VII, p. 145.

4. Ayajnasac, Chapter IX, p. 197-98.

5. ‘Pajra’ Chapter VII, p. 152.

6. ‘Adasuri’ Chapter IX, p. 202, cf. also under 'Agastya’ in Chapter VII, p. 145.

7. Vide Chapter VII, p. 155.

8. Vide Chapter IX, p. 196.

9. Vide Chapters VII, p. 138 and XII p. 259.

10. Vide Chapter XI ‘Individual hymns’ p. 245 f.n. with a note on the denom.
‘brahmanya’ at II.21.8 etc.

11. Cf. also ‘danastuti’ Chapter XI, p. 224 and ‘daksina Chapter V, p. 119 for ideas
providing incentive for sacrifice and defining the classes.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

quired the dependence of others on the class of the priest s and hence
the balance between the two classes, which was well maintained in
the days of the Rgveda, came to be disturbed in the days that follow¬
ed, necessitating a fresh exposition of the idea of sacrifice in the
Gita. 12

Among the people referred to as undertaking sacrificial perform¬
ances, there appear to be a number of non-Aryans as well. When
it is remembered how strongly the Aryans were pitched against the
Dasas and the Panis, 13 it is significant that some of them have been
converted to the Aryan cult of sacrifice successfully. This would
indicate the assimilating attitude adopted by the Aryans on the one
hand and the importance they were attaching to the cult of the sacri¬
fice on the other. It would almost appear that the sacrifice had come
to be equated with the Aryan way of life and had become a symbol
of their culture and their civilization. Thus a Dasa Balbutha is re¬
ferred to along with Taruksa, Tirindara and Parsu at XIII.6.46.48,
Vasurocis 14, at VIII. 34.16 and Brbu the best of the Pams at
VI.45.31-33. 1 *

With the growth of the sacrifice, the class of non-sacrificers also
appears to be getting distinguished, among whom there appear to be
some Aryans as well (vide chap. IX under ‘ayajvan’, 1.33.4,5). Their
attitude has been analysed by a poet at X.2.5, 16 indicating how the
protagonists of the sacrifice were thinking intelligently to find out
ways and means of promoting their cause. It is partly because of
such opposition that purity in sacrifice has been emphasized at
V.62.6. 17 By the comparison of Agni with a chaste lady at I.73.3 18
the standard of purity required in social life as also the sacrifice is
indicated.

The description of a non-sacrificer as inhuman at VIII.70.11 19
and the non-offering of sacrifice as a type of social calamity at
X.63.12, 20 would show how vital a part of social life, the sacrifice
had come to be considered. 21 It is further emphasized in a charac¬
teristic simile at X.4.1 (chap. XII), where sacrifice is said to be an
oasis in the desert and in a metaphor at X. 100.5. At VIII.32.16 (na
nunam brahmanamrnarh prasunamasti sunvatam j na somo aprata
pape), the sacrifice is indicated to be a binding force between the
divinities and the human beings and as a social duty for the latter. 22

12. RGL—B.V. Vol. X, 1949 (pp. 349-354).

13. ‘y° dasam varnamadhararh guha kah’ ‘Panin kikirakfnu’ etc

14. For the patrons, cf. Chapter VIII. p. 187.

15. Chapter IX, p. 195 and Chapter XI, p. 226.

16. Quoted and explained: Chapter IX, pp. 198-99.

17. Vide Chapter IV, p. 71.

18. Vide Chapter XII, p. 262.

19. Vide ‘ayajvan’ Chapter IX, p. 199.

20. Ibid, ‘anahuti’ p. 199.

21. Ibid, ‘ayajnasacah pp. 197-98.

22. as they are said to be becoming ‘anrna’ by offering ‘soma’.

INFLUENCE OF THE SACRIFICE

278

Thus it will be observed that though the sacrifice may appear to
have drawn a wedge between the two classes, it was on the whole
being looked upon and developed as an institution of social welfare.
This could be possible on account of the devotional approach that
the sacrifice had in view and it is in this way that the ideas about
religion and philosophy have evolved through the idea of sacrifice.

SACRIFICE AND RELIGION:

As we have observed in the first chapter (p. 4), the sacrifice
constitutes the practical aspect of religion. If it is remembered that
the theory and practice always move hand in hand, it can be appre¬
ciated how the sacrifice must have influenced the moulding of the
ideas about religion in its practical aspect as well.

As it has been observed in the third chapter, the idea of divinity
has passed through different stages. From the idea of single indi¬
vidual divinities to an abstract indefinable principle in the Nasadiya
hymn (X.129), it has been quite a spectacular growth. In the early
stages of the sacrifice, the worship of single divinities appears to
have been fostered. The worship was characterized by the com¬
position of hymns and an offering or offerings. It is this idea of the
sacrifice that must have given rise to fresh divinities as came to be
conceived by the facile imagination of the early poet-priests. It can
also be understood that the worship of different divinities would
come to be introduced in different regions of the Aryan settlements
and hence different places would come to be specially associated
with particular divinities, though the worship would later on spread
over all the settlements (chapter IV1. This worship of individual
divinities must have gone to formulate groups of people as predomin¬
antly or even exclusively the worshippers of the one divinity or the
other. 23 These groups would also be characterized occasionally by
the type of offerings they would employ. The discussion about the
relative position of the two main offerings ‘ghrta’ and ‘soma’ in the
fifth chapter 24 would indicate that even the gods would come to be
distinguished by the offerings or newer forms of worship would
come to be introduced with the fresh offerings.

It can also be observed how the popularity of the divinities has
come to change with the popularity of the offerings. Thus it has been
seen in the case of ‘ghrta’ and milk, which were the earlier popular
offerings with Mitra and Varuna 25 but have made way for ‘soma’
later giving greater impetus to Indra worship. 26 The popularity of

23. Vide Chapter VII ‘Agastya and the worship of Indra and Maruts indicating
predilections of certain families; cf. also analysis in the Chapter, p. 143.

24. pp. 96-104.

25. Chapter V; cf. f.n. 4 on p. 98.

26. Vide Indra--soma relationship in Chapters III, V and similes in Chapter XII,
p. 265.

S.R.—18

874 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Indra worship in its turn must have helped the importance of soma
to grow, culminating in the attribution of divinity to him. A simi¬
lar development can be observed in the case of Ila, 27 where too divi¬
nity came to be ascribed on account of sacrificial association.

In this way when the worship of a number of individual divini¬
ties had come into existence, the divinities appear to have been classi¬
fied on the basis of the offering of ‘soma’ (soma-jamayah’ X.92.10),
indicating the existence of a pattern of worship where some other
offering was prominent.

This enthusiasm in worship must have led to a clash among the
protagonists of the one or the other divinity as indicated in the fourth
chapter and brought to the forefront the activities of the non-sacri-
firers as well, as indicated in the ninth chapter. As this was a poten¬
tial danger to the cause of sacrifice, the idea of joint divinities
appears to have been introduced. It is at this stage that the combin¬
ed worship of sorpe divinities 28 seems to have been introduced. But
as this too must have led to the formations of different groups, the
idea of ‘all-divinities’ (Visvedevas) appears to have been introduc¬
ed. 29 It is this worship of Visvedevas that is significantly said to
have propagated the Aryan cult all round. (X.65.11. arya vrata
visrjantah).

As long as fresh hymns were being composed for the sacrifices,
the ideas about divinity appear to have grown and remained fresh.
The cessation of fresh compositions however took away the very life-
force out of the organism of the sacrifice and converted it into a
mere mechanism, revolving round at the self-same spot, hampering
further growth of the idea of divinity through the sacrifice.

The number of hymns in honour of a divinity, the number of
sacrificial epithets and similes associated with divinities also indi¬
cate how the ideas about divinity and religion were growing through
the sacrifice.

Thus it can be seen that the idea of divinity is being experiment¬
ed with, with the help of sacrifice in the hymns of the Rgveda.

SACRIFICE AND ETHICAL IDEAS:

Ideas of ethical importance for the well-being of the society
were also being evolved through the sacrifice. Thus at 1.164.50
(yajnena yajnamayajanta devastani dharmani prathamanyasan), the
first code of moral and social behaviour is said to have been brought
into existence through the sacrifices inasmuch as even the gods are
said to have undertaken the sacrificial performances, which were
considered as the basic principles for the guidance of the society.

27. Chap. V. pp. 109-110.

28. Vide Chapter XI, p. 233.

29. Vide Chapter III, pp. 59-62.

INFLUENCE OF THE SACRIFICE

275

The idea that sacrifice could do away with all the evil in the
society, has been indicated in two interesting similes. At IX.97.16
(‘ghaneva visvagduritani vighnan), soma is said to be striking off
evils as if with a club and at IX. 110.1 (dvi?astaradhy§ j-riaya na
iyase), the soma is said to be pursuing the evil-doer, as a creditor
pursues the debtor.

In a still other simile, it is indicated how the sacrifice had come
to be considered to be the touch-stone of the rightful activity. Thus
at IX.97.18 (granthim na vi sya grathitam punana, rjum ca
gatum vj-jinam ca soma .), soma is asked to untie the knot between
the rightful and wrongful activities, which are found in the world
in an entangled condition.

The rightful way of earning wealth was said to be through the
sacrifice, which was considered to be the practical aspect of the
theoretical Rta, the fountainhead of all moral activity. Thus says a
poet at X.31.2 (pari cinmarto dravinam mamanyat j-tasya patha
namasa vivaset | uta svena kratuna samvadeta 30 sreyarhsam dak-
§arh manasa jagrbhyat j ) that wealth may be thought of along the
path of the ‘Rta’. Thus it would appear that sacrifice was being
looked upon as the source through which the ideas about social well¬
being were sought to be drawn even as it is done in the Gita. The
idea of sacrifice as a social duty is emphasized at VIII.32.16 (na
nunam brahmanampnarh prasunamasti sunvatam) where a soma-
presser is said to be free from debts.

Sacrifice again was not conceived as meant merely for the sake
of selfish gain. Thus a poet asks for cows and gold but for enabling
him to undertake more sacrificial performances, (cf. VIII.32.9 uta no
gomato hiranyavato’ivinah kpnuhi ilabhili samrabhemahi). 31
For the idea of sacrifices leading to more sacrificial performances, cf
also VIII.5.6, X.7.1.

In the light of these ideas about religion and ethics, associated
with the sacrifice, the myth of the Rgvedic religion being of the ‘give
and take type’ stands exploded. The approach of the Rgvedic poets to
the divinities does not appear to be so frivolous as would be made
out by the description. We do not get an impression of their ap¬
proaching the divinity merely as an agency to grant them their
desired objects in return of some oblations. It could have been con¬
sidered as a barter if it were devoid of sentiment, which has charac¬
terized their mutual relationship. The idea of divinities entertain¬
ing affectionate thoughts about their worshippers in their minds is
also occasionally stressed, 32 indicating that it was not a sort of busi¬
ness relationship that was in view of the poets of the Rgveda.

30. cf. 6. ‘satarh hi sandehapadesu vastusu pramanamantahkaranapravrttayah 1

31. cf. Raghu. ‘tyfigaya sambhrtarthanam’. (1.7).

32. RBV pp. 63-70.

276

SACRIFICE IN THE flGVEDA

The discussion in the third, seventh and eighth chapters should
clarify the relationship between the priests and the patrons on the
one hand and the divinities on the other. It is in a spirit of mutual
cooperation that the sacrificers approach the divinity through the
means of the sacrifice, even as it has been emphasized by the author
of the Gita, who has expounded the theory of mutual cooperation
underlying the sacrifice, whose application he has tried to extend
to all social activity as that alone could lead to social emancipation.

Thus it will be noted that the sacrifice is being conceived and
developed as a means towards an end, the end in view being the
propitiation of the divinity. The idea of the divinity also was being
gradually evolved so as to lead towards the ultimate reality.

SACRIFICE AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPECULATIONS:

The discussion of various epithets based on the Rta in the chap¬
ters III-VI would indicate how the idea of the sacrifice has been
growing under a very close influence of the Rta. Rta has apparently
been conceived in the beginning as a greater or more pervading
reality than the divinities or the sacrifice, with Varuna as its guar¬
dian deity. It is thus that the sacrifice and the divinities have been
conceived as originating in and growing with the Rta. Varuna then
really was the all-pervading divinity, 33 literally and otherwise. If
we are to infer from the idea about Varuna, a very high standard of
ethical purity was expected as the basis of human progress, as it
was conceived in the light of the Rta. As we have observed in the
third chapter, with the growth of the idea of divinity and sacrifice,
the emphasis shifted from Varuna to Indra, who captured and lord¬
ed 34, over the whole field of Aryan thought. The emphasis also ap¬
pears to have shifted from the Rta, as the idea of divinity was also
being evolved with that of the sacrifice. Thus the sacrifice which at
one time grew out of the Rta, became equivalent with the Rta in the
course of time and it appears that still at a later date, with the
growth of the idea of the reality in terms of the divinities, the Rta
lost its place as the ultimate philosophical reality to which it could
have been elevated. Thus sacrifice has led to the shifting of the
emphasis from the Rta to a higher reality, evolved out of the idea
of divinity.

The problem of the creation has been treated in the hymns of
the Rgveda 36 in the terms of the sacrifice. 36 The treatment signifies
that the idea of sacrifice had a very strong influence on the mind of
the thinkers who were also thinking about the higher reality. It is

33. derived from ‘vr’—to cover.

34. derived from ‘in’—to lord.

35. X. 72, 81, 82. 90, 121, 125, 129, 130.

36. “Sacrificial setting of the philosophical hymns in the Rgveda’’—BV. XII 1951
(pp. 163-71.)

INFLUENCE OF THE SACRIFICE

•277

thus that the divinity emerges as a sacrifices with sacrifice as the
process of creation as in X.81.82, or the beast of the sacrifice, with
sacrifice as the process of creation. The idea of the one creator divi¬
nity like the Purusa (X.90), Hiranyagarbha (X.121), or Visvakarman
(X.81.82) has apparently grown out of the idea of Visvedevas as the
latter idea essentially involved the notion of all gods being one unit,
though taken as such for the purposes of the sacrifices (cf also
1.164.46 ekam sad vipra bahudha vadanti indram yamam mata-
risvanamahuh). Though the philosophical reality has later over¬
grown the divine reality, the origin and growth of the idea under¬
lying can be perceptibly noticed as evolving through the evolution
of the sacrifice.

The later philosophical conception of the Devayana and
Pitryana paths appears to have its origin in the hymns of the Rgveda,
though the departed souls are specifically associated with the latter
alone. It is apparently growing in its association with the sacrifice.
Thus, as Agni is goer to the gods, he is called ‘devaya’ (III.8.5). Simi¬
larly, Maruts (1.168.1), hymns (V.76.1), pressing stones (VIII.68.4)
and sacrifice (1.177.4 ayam yajno devayah) are also referred to as
‘devaya’. The word ‘devayana’ is also used in the sense of ‘going to
the gods’. The sacrificial horse is referred to as such at 1.162.4 (de-
vayanarh havisyam), yajus at X.181.3 (yajuh .... prathamarh deva-
yanam), samidhs at 51.2 (samidho devayanlh).

The paths by which the gods are coming to the sacrifices are
referred to as ‘devayana’. cf. with Asvins (eha yatam pathibhirdeva-
yanaih, 1.183.6, 184.6; III.58.5); with gods (IV.37.1). Agni is asked
to bring the gods along the same, cf V.43.6. Agni is requested to
make the paths smooth for the gods (X.51.5 sugan pathah krnuhi de-
vayanan).

Thus with the sacrifice to the gods, ‘devayana’ came to be con¬
ceived. With the introduction of the worship of the Pitrs however,
a slightly different path was necessary to be imagined. It is merely
referred to as the ‘other’ path exclusively meant for them at X.18.1
(pararii mrtyo anu parehi pantham yaste sva itaro devayanat). It is
once referred to as ‘pitryana’ at X.2.7 (panthamanu pravidvan pitpya-
nam). As the offerings in the Pitryajna 37 also go through Agni, Agni
is said to be knowing it. It may be noted that thus with the intro¬
duction of pitryajna, the idea of the path for the departed souls first
came into existence. The idea about the destination is not still
clearly conceived. But the two places are apparently thought of as
different as the paths leading to them are different. The two paths
as distinguished from each other have been mentioned vaguely at
X.88.15-16 ,dve sruti asrnavam pitrnamaham devanamuta martya-
nam j tabhyamidarh visvamejat samcti, yadantara pitaram matararh

37. Vide Chapter VI, pp. 128-30.

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

2t8

ca ||), where all the living beings are said to be going along the two
paths. The word ‘sruti’ is used as in the later philosophical system
but the idea is in no way made clear.

Thus it will be noticed that the sacrifice in the Rgveda has been
the source of originating ideas regarding the different aspects of the
human thought and has not hampered in any way the growth of the
philosophical speculations. This was possible because the idea
underlying the sacrifice was broad enough so that the other ideas
concerning other spheres of thought could also be based thereon.

Chapter Fourteen

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CONCEPTION
OF THE SACRIFICE

cRj wr i (itv vm. 13 . 14 )

srPtg: f^r^riFr i (rv iii. 12 . 2 )

SYNOPSIS :

Idea of sacrifice intelligently conceived and diligently executed—illustrated
by discussion about purpose—Dr. Deshmukh’s view about ‘bargaining stage’—
variety of purpose indicated—ideas regarding sacrifice sought to be defined—
sacrifice as a sort of living organism—origin not earlier than the hymns—not magical
as discussed earlier—fire not associated later with the sacrifice—sacrifice originating
with fire—origin referred to in X.88.8—families associated with early sacrifice
and fire—structure of sacrifice on four pillars—various stages traceable along these
lines only—chronological grouping of hymns not possible—but broad stages dis¬
tinguishable—

First stage—hymns composed and rite performed by the same person—household
as centre—earliest offerings—ghrta, payas—soma—Mitra and Varuna—associated
with Rta—Indra introduced—a number of important individual divinities introduced
at this stage—some clashes in ideas requiring changes—transition to the second
stage—characterized by co-operative effort—family traditions regarding mode of
performance—quantitative aspect stressed—requiring addition of another priest—
adhvaryu—no distinction in status in the beginning—existence of tradition illustrated
in groups like the Apris etc.—joint divinities, groups and Visvedevas—idea of
divinity elastic—Rbhus admitted to divinity—systematic effort to popularise wor¬
ship—converts to the cult of sacrifice—sacrificial hymns—new vessels and offerings
introduced—at the end of this stage, Iranians branched off from the Aryans—

Third stage characterized by all round development—introduction of different
priests—pitryajna and the introduction of animal sacrifice—mode fashioned after
the devayajna—a number of specialised rites at this stage—some speculations about
sacrifice—intellectual pursuit of the idea of divinity leading to a more or less
metaphorical view about the sacrifice—bifurcation in tendency—emphasis on the
practical aspect of the sacrifice leading to cessation of fresh compositions—Fourth
stage, transition to the brahmanical sacrifice—growth during the period of
compilation—

The discussion in the previous chapters has indicated that the
conception of the sacrifice can be noticed to be evolving during the
period of the Rgvedic hymns and that it is not a haphazard growth
but a purposeful one, intelligently conceived and diligently execut¬
ed. 1 The same point is also emphasized by a poet, who deduces the
lesson from the life and work of the Rbhus in the cause of sacrifice
as ‘na pte srantasya sakhyaya devah’ (IV.33.11) 2

1. ‘sudhyah asu$anah’ IV.2.14; also X.78.1 in chapters III and XII.

2. Cf. also 1.179.3 ‘na mr$a srantam yadavanti devah’.

280

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

This can be further substantiated by taking into account the
purpose of the sacrifice, which can throw some light on the nature
of that conception. Dr. Deshmukh 3 traces four successive stages in
the development of the sacrifice and believes the stage in the Rgveda
to be a ‘bargaining stage’. Prof. E. O. James, 4- considers the follow¬
ing ideas as connected with the sacrifice, (a) Communion; this con¬
ception is the fundamental principle underlying the most rudiment¬
ary forms of the sacrifice, (b) Conciliation, (c) Honorofic offerings;
free-will offerings in grateful recognition of the goodness of the
deity, (d) In higher religion—the ethical notion of self-sacrifice.

The ideas that prompted the Rgvedic Aryans to undertake sacri¬
ficial performances as can be gathered from the hymns of the Rgveda
are quite varied as it will be observed below and cannot fit in merely
the one or the other categories referred to above. It is not ‘commu¬
nion’, as has been pointed out by Oldenberg 5 and Keith,® even in the
later sacrifice. The idea is not merely of bargaining as it has been
remarked in the previous chapter. 7 As the idea of the sacrifice is
linked up with the ideas of divinity, social prosperity as also the
ethical standard of the Aryan society, it appears to be a more com¬
plex phenomenon than can ordinarily be imagined and hence there
is not much point in trying to fix it up in one or the other category.

Thus it is indicated by a poet in a sort of reminiscent mood,
while pondering over the ancient tradition of the sacrificial perform¬
ances at III.55.3 (vi me purutra patayanti kamah samyaccha didye
purvyani). The poet has apparently noticed the variety of ideas
with which sacrifices have come to be offered.

(1) In a large majority of the passages, the idea of the propitia¬
tion of the divinity appears to be prominently present in the mind
of the poets. Thus the god is said to be extremely propitious to those
who perform the sacrifices (11.28.1 ati yo mandro yajathaya). The
favour of the gods is very frequently requested, cf 1.114.3 (asyama
te sumatim devayajyaya); 1.108.4 (indragni saumanasaya yatam);
1.76.2 (yaja mahe saumanasaya devan); also III.32.13. The removal
of divine anger and the consequent favourable disposition is the aim
according to 1.114.4 (....sumatim vrnimahe). In the refrain at
1.101.1-7, ‘marutvantam sakhyaya havamahe’, it is indicated as to
how as a result of the favour and goodwill, the ties of friendship are
created. The same is indicated by the reference to the divinities as
being the nearest to the worshippers, suggesting how the divinities
are easily accessible, at 11.35.12 (asmai bahunamavamaya sakhye
yajnairvidhema. .. .).

3. RVL p. 145.

4. ERE XI pp. 5-7.

5. RVO p. 331 n. 2

6. RPV p. 273.

7. Chap. XIII. p. 275.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CONCEPTION *81

(2) Protection against the enemy appears to be a pretty strong
aim referred to in a number of hymns. Thus Indra is said to be pro¬
tecting the sacrificing Aryans (1.130.8 yajamanamaryam pravat).
Some of the ‘danastutis’ must be having this idea underlying them,
though it is not made clear; cf ‘VI.6.1 yajnena. . . .ava icchamanah’;
VI.29.1, 36.2. Protection from sin is referred to as the purpose of
the sacrifice at 1.136.5; II.26.4; X.G3.6.

(3) Attainment of fame: the performances of sacrifices were
apparently being considered as an attainment of social and religious
importance, cf. 1.9.8, 44.2; VIII.65.9. At VIII.23.21 (yo asmai havya-
datibhih ahutim marto’ vidhat....sa dhatte viravad yasah), fame
is referred to as an attraction for undertaking the sacrificial per¬
formances.

(4) Attainment of wealth, strength, etc.: cf. III.19.1 (raye vajaya
. . yaksat) eac.

(5) Progress: cf VI.6.1 (yajnena gatumicchamanah; VII.61.4
(pra yajnamanma vrjanath tirate). II. 12.9 (yasmanna rte vijayante
janasah) indicates how Indra-worship attained prominence as long
as unstable conditions of life prevailed.

(6) Expiation: cf. 1.185.8 (devanva yaccakrma kaccidagah | iyam
dhirbhuya avayanamesam); 1.114.4 (rudram yajnasadharh. . . .ni vha-
yamahe j are asmad daivyam helo asyatu....); VII.51.1 (anagastva
adititva turasah ] imam yajnam dadhatu srosamanah | | ). This would
indicate that the sacrifice had come to be identified with sinlessness
(anagastva) and freedom (adititva). When a non-sacrificer has come
to be described as ‘satyadhvrt’, 8 the identification of the sacrifice
with truth also becomes clear, thus indicating that the sacrifice had
come to be considered as symbolic of all that was good and noble in
life.

These noble ideals underlying the sacrifice have been empha¬
sized by contrasting them with others at V.42.10 (tucchyan kaman
karate si$vidanah) where others sweating for some petty ideas have
been referred to.

This variety in the occasional expression of the purpose of the
sacrifice indicates how the idea, underlying the sacrificial perform¬
ance is being sought to be defined by the poets in the process of its
growth.

This broad idea about the fundamental role of the sacrifice is
further supported by the reference to the sacrifice as a sort of living
organism that is growing and enlightening the people. It is indicat¬
ed by reference to the sacrifice as ‘cetana’ (1.170.4, III.12.2,
VIII.13.18, 92.21). It may be noted that the word appears to be used
in the general sense of enlightenment, furtherance etc. Thus Agni
8 Vide chapter IX, p. 199.

282

bACKlFICE IN THE RGVEDA

is associated with the furtherance of the sacrifice. (III.3.8 ‘adhva-
rapam cetanam jatavedasam; II.5.1 ‘hota janista cetanah). Soma is
also so referred to at IX.64.10.

At III.12.2 ‘jarituh saca yajno jigati cetanah’, the ‘cetana’ sacri¬
fice is said to be associated with the singer-priest. At 1.170.4 (tatra-
mrtasya cetanam yajnam te tanavavahai), the role of the sacrifice in
awakening the gods is referred to. At VIII. 13.18 and 92.21 (cetanam
devaso yajnamatnata), the gods are said to be performing the ‘cetana’
sacrifice, indicating the vital importance of the sacrifice. Sacrifice
would thus appear to stand as a symbol, a wheel for generating the
power that was essential for the sustenance of the human society.

It is with these ideas about the purpose and the role of the sacri¬
fice in view that we have to trace its origin and growth.

The origin of the idea of the sacrifice in the Rgveda, 9 cannot be
imagined to lie earlier than the composition of the hymns even for
the sake of an argument as pointed out above. 10 It has also been
amply shown in the tenth chapter that the Rgvedic sacrifice has not
grown out of the idea of magic, as religion and magic are two quite
distinct tendencies. 11 The idea of Macdonell that fire came to be
associated with the idea of sacrifice at a later stage (ERE XII p. 611
b. ) is quite unsupported by facts. As it has been observed in
the third (pp. 45-48) and the fifth (pp. 121-22) chapters above, the
association of Agni with the Itgvedic sacrifice, right from its early be¬
ginning is so obviously stressed that it is impossible to believe that
it could have been otherwise. The evidence from the Rgveda is
quite telling enough in this regard.

At X.65.7, 12 the credit of the origination of the sacrifice is given
to the gods. Though this has been done mainly to glorify the gods,
the emphasis on the system of the sacrifice as a vital aspect of the
creation along with the heaven and the earth is quite significant. 13
Two other points of importance have been referred to in ‘ab’. 14. The
gods are said to be ‘agni-jivhah’ and ‘rtavrdhah’. 16 The reference to
their pondering over ‘rta’ before creating the sacrifice (vimrsanta
asate) further signifies how the idea of sacrifice is based on the con¬
ception of the Rta. This explains how the altar (chap. IV p. 73) and
the place of the sacrifice (chapter IV p.69) come to have a number of

9. For I)r. Keith’s view regarding the origin and purpose cf. RPV pp. 257-78,
where he treats the sacrifice as a whole as he does not distinguish between the
Rgvedic and the brahmanic sacrifice.

10. Chapter I. p. 15.

11. Vide chap. X for Dr. Deshmukh’s view; Cf. also RPV p. 48; p. 260 where Keith
controverts the view of Bergaigne and Geldner and points out that the priests
do not claim to control the gods.

12. Vide Chap. IV. p. 44.

13. For a similar idea, cf. Gita ‘sahayajnah prajah sr§tva’ (III.10).

14. Ibid.

15. The two phrases repeated together at 1.44.14; VII.68.10; X.65.7; for ‘agnijivhfih’
cf. 1.89.7; m.54.10, VI.21.11; 50.2, 52.13.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CONCEPTION

288

epithets based on the Rta. The reference to the gods as ‘agnijivhah’
further suggests how the fire was associated with the sacrifice right
from its very early stages, cf also VIII.102.10 (agnim yajhe?u
purvyam) where fire is said to the earliest in the sacrifices. The
same thing is also indicated by the offering of the ghrta, 16 which,
apparently was the earliest of the offerings as also by its specific
association with Mitra and Varuna. 17

X.88.8 18 is more specific in describing the origin of the sacri¬
fice (sa e?am yajno abhavat). The beginning is said to be marked by
the hymns (suktavaka). Next came the introduction of fire (adid
agnim ajanayanta) and with the fire came the oblations (havih) to
be offered therein. 19 These three together are said to have com¬
bined together to constitute the sacrifice. Though we may not see
any chronological order herein, the statement about the origin of
the sacrifice referred to here is quite significant. It indicates how
the sacrifice has been associated with the fire, the hymns and the
offerings right from its beginning. It was thus from the earliest
stage of the kindling of fire that the sacrifice seems to have originat¬
ed. This is also supported by the fact that for the purposes of the
sacrifice, the fire continued to be kindled with the ‘aranis’ and hence
the hymns occasionally describe the process quite graphically as in
III.29.

The same point is further supported by the reference to Agni
being first kindled by the priestly families of Atharvan and Angi-
rasas, 20 who are also credited with the origination of the sacrifice,
cf with Atharvan, (1.83.5, X.92.10 ‘yajhairatharva prathamo vidha-
rayat) and with Angiras, X.67.2 (yajnasya dhama prathamam
mananta). It is also indicated by statements where fire is said to be
taken to the gods after it is kindled, (cf III.9.5 ainam nayan mata-
risva. . . .devebhyo mathitarh pari; cf also 1.141.3, III.5.10).

Thus it would be clear that as far as the Rgvedic sacrifice is con¬
cerned, it has originated with the idea of propitiating the divinities
through Agni with the help of the hymns and the offerings so -that
the progress of the individual as well as the group should become
possible. With a metaphor it can be said that the patrons and the
priests jointly embarked upon a common task of mutual benefit in
erecting the structure of the sacrifice on four pillars viz., (1) divini¬
ties (2) fire (3) hymns and (4) offerings.

This fact emerges not only from the passages referred to above
but practically permeates the whole discussion about the sacrifice
that we have had in the previous chapters. The importance of all

16. Chap. V. pp. 96-99.

17. Vide chap. III. pp. 57-58 and chap. IV p. 82.

18. Chap. H. p. 20

19. Vide remarks on p. 95 (chap. V.).

20. Vide chap, VII. p. 144, 146.

■'Hi SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

these different originating and supporting elements has been appro¬
priately stressed by the poets in various places. It should therefore
be obvious that the idea of the sacrifice would also grow along these
lines only. It is thus that the four stages of the growth of the sacri¬
fice are being described below.

It will be remembered that, as we have remarked in the begin¬
ning of the present work, it is almost impossible to arrive at exact
chronological groupings of the Rgvedic hymns, which can distin¬
guish these stages from each other. Ideas are like seeds, sprouting
in different regions at different times. So it may happen that ideas
characterizing two different stages may also be come across in some
hymns. But on the whole, it will be found that the stages of the
growth can be clearly seen in the light of the earlier analysis of the
relevant matter in that regard,

The first stage was characterized by the worship of the
individual divinities with the help of the fire kindled in the house¬
hold and the hymns composed to propitiate the divinity concerned.
The work of composing the hymn and officiating at the rite was ap¬
parently done by the same person, who came to be referred to as
‘jaritr’, ‘karu’, ‘vipra’ in his former capacity and ‘hotr’ in the latter
one. Agni was chosen as the medium of the performance for obvious
reasons. A number of the epithets of the place of the sacrifice, 21
referring to the household indicates that practically all the house¬
holders had started performing the worship at their own places.
The fire was kindled by the rubbing of the ‘aranis’ and this earliest
custom has prevailed in later days as well, as it came to have cer¬
tain associations with it right from the beginning of the sacrifice
in those ancient days.

The earliest offerings were of ghrta and payas 22 and ‘soma’ too
came to be introduced soon afterwards. It appears that the earliest
pressings of the soma juice were not quite attractive 23 and as a
result there was a sort of clash between the two sections favouring
these different offerings. The association of Mitra and Varuna pre¬
dominantly with the offering of the ghrta also indicates the earlier
character of those divinities. As it has been indicated in chapter
III, 24, the idea of the Rta has also been prominently associated with
Varuna as the oldest divinity. This earlier character of Varuna was
of course comparatively so. Indra then came to be introduced and
the offering of the ‘soma’ attained prominence with the arrival of
Indra. 26 Though soma too had come to be offered to Varuna, it

2t. Vide chapter IV. p. 69.

22. Vide chap. V. p. 113.

23. Vide chap. V. p. 98 f.n.

24. Pp. 57-58.

25. Vide chap. V. p. 100.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CONCEPTION

285

became the most popular offering with the growth of the Indra wor¬
ship and a number of other divinities also came to be prominently
associated with soma. Thus soma became the most important of
the offerings even during the first stage, though ghrta continued to
be characteristically associated with Mitra and Varuna even later.

It may be noted that most of the important individual divini¬
ties of the Rgvedic pantheon had come into existence even during
the first stage of the sacrifice because the earlier idea must have
been to introduce new divinities in the system of the sacrifice by
the composition of the hymns and the offering of the oblations in
the course of the rites in their honour.

As it has been observed in the seventh chapter, 26 some families
appear to have specialised in the worship of some deities. It is like¬
ly therefore that some poets, who subsequently became the founders
of various families had sponsored the worship of certain individual
divinities at this stage. This is also indicated by the clash of ideas
regarding the superiority of one divinity or the other, which is occa¬
sionally referred to in the hymns. This rivalry, though giving an
impetus to the performances of the sacrifices in general, must have
been noticed as a potential danger to the cause of the sacrifice as
such. It is for this reason that certain changes were sought to be
introduced in the theory and the practice of the sacrifice. This
marks the transition to the second satge of the sacrifice.

If the first stage is characterized mainly by individual effort, the
second stage is characterized by cooperative effort which has led to¬
wards the formation of a real system of sacrifice.

In the course of time, family traditions had come into existence
not only regarding the composition of the hymns but also the mode
of performance, though it does not appear to be in any way elabo¬
rate. It however appears that the quantitative aspect of the sacri¬
fice has flourished during this period, necessitating the addition of a
hand to help the hotr priest. Thus ‘adhvaryu’ came to be introduc¬
ed, whose duty mainly was to render assistance in the duties con¬
nected with the pressing of the soma juice. 27 As it has been observ¬
ed above, there was no idea of superiority of the one or the other
among the priests at this stage in the sacrificial performances and
hence at 11.16.5 the two priests are referred to as ‘Adhvarayu’. In
the Apri hymns too, there is a mention of only these two categories
of priests, the hotr and the adhvaryu.

At III.17.1, 5, it is indicated how the idea of initiating some pre¬
vious conventions or ritual had come into existence. Thus in v.l

26. Pp. 142-43.

27. Vide chap. VII. p. 163.

280 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

(‘samidhyamanah prathamanudharma) and in v.5 tasy&nudharmS
prayaja), the kindling of fire and some fire-ritual according to old
customs are referred to. The same thing is further indicated by the
close traditions illustrated in the AprI, Parucchepa and Valakhilya
groups. 28 Thus some family or group affinities, which came into
existence during this period, helped the cause of the sacrifice.

Regarding the growth of the idea of divinity, we find that dur¬
ing this stage, the idea of joint divinities, of the group of some indi¬
vidual divinities and of the Visvedevas came to be introduced gra¬
dually. As it has been observed above (chapter VII), all sorts of
combinations or groups of divinities have been formed for the sake
of the needs of the devotees as required by the situation. It may
be further noted that the idea of divinity appears to be fairly elastic
at this stage. It is thus that for some characteristic service, even
certain human beings were ascribed divinity and given a share in
the sacrifice. A tendency towards such attribution of divinity can
be observed at VI. 11.4, 20 where a human being is said to be ador¬
able like a god. The Bhrgus 30 are said to be practically considered
as gods at X.92.10 (deva daksair bhrgavah samcikitrire | ). The next
stage is marked by placing the Rbhus among the divinities themsel¬
ves which seems to have caused some heart burning among a section
led by Tva^tr, who appears to have attained divinity like the Rbhus
a little earlier. 31

It is during this period that systematic effort was made to popu¬
larise the cult of the sacrifice by various means of broadening the
nature of the sacrificial worship. The enthusiasm with which the
cult of the sacrifice was followed can be seen illustrated in the ex¬
pression of a poet at 11.30.7 (na ma tamat, na sramat, nota tandrat,
na vocama ma sunoteti somam), where wishes that none should ex¬
press any anti-sacrifice desire merely because there is great labour
and exhaustion involved in the performance thereof. 32 Another
indication of the broad aspect of the idea and the practice of the
sacrifice can be obtained from a reference at III.19.4 (bhurini hi tve
dadhire anika agne devasya yajyavo janasah), 33 where Agni is said
to be looked upon as various gods for the purposes of the sacrifice.
Thus the idea of ultimate unity of worship through Agni was gra¬
dually coming into existence.

It is this broad aspect of worship that also appears to have
created confidence even in the minds of some Dasas and Panis, who
appear to have become converts to the cult of the sacrifice. 34,

28. Vide chap. XI. p. 233-34 and AHR for the Apri hymns.

29. Vide chap. XII. p. 260.

30. Vide chap. VII. p. 154.

31. Vide chap. III. p. 57 and B.U.J. XXI 1952.

32. Cf. also X 57.1 ‘ma pra gama patho vayarh ma yajnadindra sominah’ | i

33. Cf. ‘purvanika’ as epithet of Agni at 1.79.5, VI.5.2, 11.6 etc.

34. Chap. Vni. p. 184. IX. p. 195.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CONCEPTION

287

The idea of specific hymns for the purposes of the sacrifice, 3 ®
appears to have come into existence at this stage. Though fresh com¬
positions were encouraged, some compositions on the pattern of
some previous ones associated with some sacrificial efficacy, appear
to be welcomed as is illustrated in the Apri, Parucchepa and Vala-
khilya groups particularly. The idea of some mystical association
with the hymns, 36 with the sacrificial efficacy in view, appears to
belong to this stage only.

New vessels with new names and some changes in the offerings
too appear to have come to be introduced at this stage. Some of
the peculiar offerings referred to in chapter V to smaller or bigger
deities must have come to be introduced at this stage, with a view
to add some attractive details to the performance, which must have
been quite elastic in its nature.

As fresh family traditions had come into existence by the time,
some of the earliest individuals and families appear to have become
names of almost hoary past at the end of this stage and as a result
have come to be referred to almost as mythical beings. 37

It is at the end of this stage of the sacrifice that the Iranians
appear to have branched off from the Aryans. The affinity between
the Avesta and the Rgvedic Sanskrit is quite noteworthy in this con¬
nection 38 but more remarkable is the affinity in ideas which renders
the conclusion about a common stock of the Aryans and the Iranians
inevitable. Thus it will be noted that there is a very close affinity
in respect of the following aspects connected with the sacrifice: (1)
general trend of worship centred round the fire (2) the pressing of
the soma juice (3) the two priests hotr and Adhvaryu 39 (4) family
ritual as illustrated in the Aprls carried on with changes in the form
as can be inferred from the ‘Afringans’ in the Avesta.

The third stage is characterized by all round development in
the mode of performance. Different categories of priests have come
into existence during this period; but it should be noted they only
indicate the difference in the mode of performance and not the ela¬
boration of the ritual. There is no evidence to indicate that all the
different priests were employed in the same ritual at a time. It is
significant that even in the elaborate ritual of the Asvamedha sacri¬
fice (1.162.5 hotadhvaryuravaya agnimindho gravagrabha uta
samsta suviprah), only six priests have been referred to. Besides,
as it has been observed in the discussion about the ‘udgatr’, 40 though

35. Chap. II. p. 27.

36. Vide Chap. X. pp. 211-12.

37. Vide Atharvan, Afigirasas in chap. VII. pp. 144, 146.

38. Vide RRG. p. 21; also ERP.

39. Vide chap. VII. p. 163.

40. Chap. VII p. 164.

288

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

saman hymns were commonly known as having some sacrificial effi¬
cacy, 41 the introduction of the urgatr as a priest with a specific func¬
tion in the sacrifice seems to belong to a later date. The singers of
saman are so rarely referred to in comparison with the hotr and the
adhvaryu that the idea of singing saman appears to have come into
existence at a later stage. It may also be noted that like ‘hotra’ etc.,
there is no word used to indicate either the duties or the vessel asso¬
ciated with the udgatr. 42 The existence of the words like hotra,
potra etc., refer to both the duties of the priests as well as the ves¬
sels of soma. 43 Thus though the idea of designating vessels of dif¬
ferent priests had come into existence, the words do not come to be
employed exclusively in that sense, indicating a pretty elastic nature
of the ritual prevalent at the time.

The family traditions which had developed to an advanced stage
by the time appear to be responsible for the introduction of one per¬
son as the head of the group. It is thus that we find that both the
‘brahman’ as well as ‘purohita’ came to be introduced mainly with
the idea of honouring a person than by the requirements of the
details connected with the ritual.

As far as the offerings were concerned there appears a grow¬
ing tendency to classify and designate them on some basis though
the material was practically the same as before. 44 A significant inno¬
vation in the offerings seems to be the introduction of animal-offer¬
ings at this stage. The point has been discussed in detail 46 and it
appears that the animal sacrifice came to be introduced after the
‘pitryajna’ had come into existence. Regarding pitryajna 46 it
should be noted that it has not been introduced as a result of the
combination of the worship of the gods and demons as Macdonell
imagines. 47 It is a mode of worship which is essentially conceived
after the pattern of the divinity worship and it has come to be intro¬
duced at this stage of the Rgvedic sacrifice. It is thus too that some
specific rites referred to in the sixth chapter came to be introduced
at this late stage.

The changing emphasis on the different aspects in the mode of
the performance which was being variously experimented with at
this stage, is indicated at different places. 1.105 makes some inter¬
esting observations in this regard. The poet is praising the Visve-
devas, whose introduction has a peculiar sacrificial significance as
we have seen and which the poet appears to have in his mind. The

41. Chap. II. p. 32.

42. Cf. ‘Adhvaryava’ at X. 52.2.

43. Vide chap. IV. p. 92, f.n.

44. Vide chap. V ‘ajva’ p. 108 and the names prathas and saprathas.

45. Chap. V pp. 177-18 also VI pp. 135-38.

46. oo.c't. I.

47. ERE p. 610b. It may be noted that the funeral rites do not form a part of the
‘pitryajna’.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CONCEPTION

280

poet has also noticed the importance of ‘soma’ in the sacrifice and
so remarks (v.3 ma somyasya sambhuvah sune bhuma kadacana)
that he should never be in want of ‘soma’. But as it is indicated
elsewhere) IX.86.32 nayannrtasya prasiso naviyasih), in that regard
also new traditions were coming into existence and hence the poet
wants to know the latest vogue in the sacrifice (v.4, yajnam prccha-
mi avamam). Agni has continued to enjoy the same status in the
sacrifice and so he says that Agni can tell about it (sa tad duto vivo-
cati). The poet however is wondering as to how the older mode of
worship has disappeared (kva rtam purvyam gatam) and wants to
know the latest emphasis in that regard (kastad bibharti nutanah).
In the following verse therefore he is asking all the gods about it
(kad va rtam kadanrtam kva pratna va ahutih). This constant crav¬
ing for change appears to puzzle even a person in the field as indi¬
cated by the reference to the poet as one who knew the soma rite
(V.7 aharh so asmi yah pura sute vadani kani cit), but was worried
because he could not keep pace with the change, (tarn mam vyantya-
dhyah).

Some specific limitations appear to be placed on the perform¬
ance 48 at a later stage, indicated by the condemnation of the
‘atiyajas’ at VI.52.1 (ni hiyatam atiyajasya yasta). Though the ex¬
cesses are condemned, deficiencies are not said to be coming in the
way of the performances as it came to be considered at a later stage.
The emphasis is more on the idea of devotion in the sacrifice as indi¬
cated at X.86.19. 49

It is clearer still at VIII.102.19.21, where any kind of material
is said to be acceptable to Agni.

(nahi me’styaghnya na svadhitirvananvati | athaitadrg bharami
te I V.19. yadagne kani kani cida te daruni dadhmasi | ta ju§asva
yavi$thya V.20. yadattyupajivhika yadvamro ati sarpati! sarvam
tadastu te ghrtarh V.21).

Hymns containing speculations regarding the different aspects
of sacrifice apparently belong to this stage. Tnus at III.54.5 (ko
addha veda ka iha pravocat devah accha pathya ka sameti), the path
leading towards the gods is being investigated. There apparently
was some mystery about the place of their residence (dadrsra e§a-
mavama sadarhsi paresu ya guhyesu vrate?u) and hence the inter¬
vention of Agni was necessary. Thus the gods are referred to as
‘agnijivhah’ at III.54.10. Here the importance of Agni in the sacri¬
fice is sought to be justified. 60

Similarly compare IV.58, X.114 in chapter XI.

48. Cf. the knowledge of some specific form said to be essential at X.44.6 (chap.

VI, XII and IX. 73.9

49. Vide chap. III. p. 52

50. Cf. also III.55.3 p. 280.
s. ». 10

2{)0 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

After the introduction of the Visvedevas in the sacrifice, it ap¬
pears that the whole conception of divinity started undergoing a
significant change. If the same sacrifice could propitiate them all,
it was quite natural to look upon them as one divinity. It appears
that when such speculations about the divinity came to be forward¬
ed, there occurred a bifurcation of the class of the priests on the
basis of the nature of the performance to be followed.

While the sacrifice was progressing during this stage, associat¬
ing a number of priests in the sacrificial performance, it can be
understood that all of them were not sufficiently intelligent to follow
the spirit of the sacrifice as could be done by their ancestors or by
some of their contemporaries. Such people, not having any insight
into the sacrifice must have been concentrating on the mode or the
technique of the performance, which they could follow more easily.
It is therefore this aspect of the sacrifice that they came to empha¬
size. While the other class, inclined more and more towards the idea
of a symbolic sacrifice, as could fit in with their intellectual pursuit
of the idea of the divinity. 61 They had not totally neglected the
sacrificial performances as can be inferred from their description of
the philosophical reality in terms of the sacrifice. 62 But as they
were looking upon the sacrifice more or less as a means, they would
not emphasize any rigidity in its performance. It is this class of
thinkers that came to emphasize the idea of devotion and introduce
more abstract divinities in the Rgvedic pantheon.

It is thus that two distinct lines of thought have come into be¬
ing and gradually become well-defined at the end of the Rgvedic
period. The comparative neglect of the practical aspect of the
sacrifice on the part of the thinker priests gave greater opportunity
to the other class to stabilise their hold on that aspect and it is as a
result of the predominance of this class that the composition of new
hymns for the purposes of the sacrifice came to be dsicouraged. This
marks the end of the third stage.

The fourth stage is characterized by the transition to the brah-
manical aspect of the sacrifice. After the composition of new hymns
had ceased, the idea of collecting the older ones must have come
into existence. This collection also has apparently spread over a
pretty long stretch of time as can be inferred from the existence of
in various strata in the hymns of the present Samhita as indicated
above (p.3 f.n.). It is during this period that the idea of employing
the available hymns in a mechanical fashion must have arisen. Dur¬
ing the period, when the compilation was finally completed, this idea
has grown further and ultimately culminated in the thoroughly
mechanical concept of the brahmanical sacrifice.

51. Vide chap. XIII. p. 274.

52. BV. XII 1951 (pp. 163-71).

Chapter Fifteen

AVABHRTHA—CONCLUDING REMARKS

ftp^f m 5T?!^ Iqr^Tt 3m^ff I (RV x. 35.8)

In the preceding pages, we have discussed the nature of the
sacrifice in the Rgveda, the circumstances under which it originated,
the stages by which it developed and the influence it exercised on
the life and ideas of the Aryans of that time.

The sphere of discussion has had its own limitations; but all
the data concerning the sacrifice has been collected and presented so
as to arrive at as full a picture of the Rgvedic sacrifice as could be
done. The analysis of the hymns of the Rgveda as one chronological
unit, has yielded a fairly good picture of the sacrifice as it then
existed. There can be and will be a difference of opinion regarding
the suggestion of a passage here and there. But after all, as it is
very wisely suggested by a Rgvedic poet, one should give an exposi¬
tion with full consciousness of one’s shortcomings as a human be¬
ing (X.35.8 quoted in the beginning!.

It will be realised that maximum advantage has been taken of
ihe material made available after a close scrutiny of the hymns of
the Rgveda. All the sacrificial hymns and the similes however have
not been discussed in detail, though care has been taken to see that
the points of vital importance for the present topic have not been
dropped.

The overall impression of the sacrifice that we thus secure is
of an idea which has been very nobly conceived and developed for
a pretty long stretch of time. Creation has been thought of in terms
of the sacrifice; death is being looked upon in the light of the sacri¬
fice; human life appears to be considered as permeated by the idea
of the sacrifice. Sacrifice thus appears to have been considered as
the very basis of life and it is for this reason that the Rta has come
to be identified with the sacrifice.

It is thus that we can realise the reason why the author of the
Gita emphasized the idea of the sacrifice in his work as that idea
has constituted the very foundation of the Aryan culture and has
given a shape to the early Aryan society. The idea deteriorated in
course of time mainly on account of the fact that the sacrifice came
to be looked upon as a mere mechanism to produce certain specific
results. The idea of divinity also deteriorated with it and the philo¬
sophical speculations received a set-back for the time being. The
process of this mechanisation has already started during the last
stage of the Rgvedic sacrifice as we have seen above.

202

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

The next stage of the sacrifice can be determined in the light
of the analysis of the Yajus and the Sama Vedas and the comparison
of the hymns therein with the hymns of the Rgveda as well as the
results presented above. The two Vedas apparently indicate a posi¬
tive sacrificial bias of the literature and as such can give an indica¬
tion as to why the hymns therein came to be so fashioned.

It is after this analysis that the Aitareya Brahmana, as the one
belonging to the Rgveda Sarhhita and also being one of the oldest
brahmanas will have to be compared with the results arrived at and
thus we can get an idea how the mechanism of the sacrifice started
its working and attained perfection thereafter. Comparison with
the Brahmanas of different chronological stratas and lastly the
6rauta sutras will finally complete the picture of the sacrifice during
its latest stages. This discussion would bring us to the period of
the Gita, which tried to give a distinctly ethical turn to the idea of
the sacrifice. For various reasons this intellectual exposition of the
idea of the sacrifice could not prevail for a long time. In the days
that followed, the old brahmanic system of sacrifice was sought to
be theorized and philosophised so as to give rise to a system of
thought known as the ‘Purvamimarhsa’.

This systematisation of the theory of the sacrifice marks an end
of the idea of the sacrifice as it was conceived in the hymns of the
Rgveda.

★

INDEX OF IMPORTANT PASSAGES

Mandate I

Passage

Page

7.1

7.6 ab

9.1 ab

184

>20.6 ab

24.13 ab

31 .11 be

110

51.5 ab

197

51.8 ab

195

51.8 abe

172, 196

51.9 ab

196

51.14 ab

55.8 cd

261

65.3

71,2c

72.8

123

72.6 ab

213

73.3 d

262

78.5 ab

171

73.5 cd

78.10

74.1 ab

74.3 ab

79.3d

80.9

134

80.16

81.1c

84.18a

86,4ab

91.3 ab

265

92 .5 cd

94.4 ab

134

96.2 ab

25,84

101.6 c

101.8 ab

105.3-7

288-89

105.4

105.7

107.1 a

108.8

176

110.1 a

126

110.6 ab

116.1 ab

132

117.22 ab

56, 89

120.1

120.6 ab

126.1

68, 190

130.8

191

181.1 d

101

131 .2 ab

106

134.6 b

105

102.5 ab

287

102.6 ab

162.17 cd

104.25 c

104.35 ab

75, 281

164.45 ab

141

104.40 c

210, 270, 277

s. R,— 20

Passage

Page

16-4.50 ub

274

168.7 c

120

169.3 cd

114

109.4 ab

120

170.2 ab

145

175.0 abe

181.1 b

181.2 ab

181 .4

185.8 ae

281

187.11 ab

112

Mandala II

1 .14 b

121

3.2 <-d

7.5

12.9a

281

20.3 cd

160

27.8 c

28.1

169

30.7 ab

280

35.12 ab

48, 280

88.1 c

116

80.(' ab

Mandala III

2.9 a

7.4 cd

8.0 abe

8.8 J

8.9 ab

8.10 ab

17.1 a

285

17.5 cd

126, 280

18.1 nr

196

19 A ab

286

22.4 acd

42, 118

26.7(1

111

38.5 cd

157

35.3 d

111

85.10 ab

121

35.10 cd

103

46.4 cd

101

48.2

100

53 8 d

120

53.12 cd

157

5-4.5

289

55.3 ab

280

Mandala IV

1 .0 e

2.14 cd

140

8.10

33, 240

5.3 acd

240

5.0 cd

Passage

Page

6.3 cd

9.5 ab

167

18.7 ab

20.10

19, 21

22.2 cd

33.3 ab

33.5 abe

33.11 b

279

35.7 ab

107

35.9 ab

108

41.1

254

45.5 cd

102

51 .2 ab

77, 262

54 .4 ab

106

58.1 cd

215

58.2 ab

215

58.3

215

58.11

240

Mandala V

1.3 cd

120

2.6

143

2.7 ab

6 .0 ab

9.2 c

11 .2 b

27.3 ab

179

27.5 cd

103

30.15 cd

111,181

31 .12 C

34.9

188

87.2 ab

42.0 ab

200

42.10

196, 281

43.7 ab

118, 266

44.5 ab

4 4.9

44.14 ab

45.11 b

135

46.1

185

02.6

Mandate VI

1 .10 abe

7.2 b

218-19

11 .2 cd

42, 46

18.5

20.13

28.2 abe

81 .1 cd

35.3

41 .2 ab

121

45.33 cd

195

52.1 d

289

61 .3 ab

105

394 SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Passage

Page

61.14 d

65.5 cd

67.fi

197

67.10 ab

75.10 b

Manuals VII

1 .14

2.7 c

6.3 ab

105

6.8 bed

172

7.6

8.6 abc

9.1 ed

10.3 ab

11.4

15.9

16.2 b

22, 25

18.16

197

21.5 d

205

20.1 b

26.2 ab

24,33

27.4 cd

102

29.3

32.18 a

83.1 cd

83.4 cd

22,25, 28

35.7 c

43.1

51.1 cd

*81

56.14 cd

128

60.9 ab

61.4 cd

100

64.8 ab

175

64.3 cd

140

70.6 ab

124

75.8 c

84.1

87.4

58, 216

89.5

96.3 cd

150

08.3 a

100

98.5 cd

204

09.4 a

103.7

127

103.8 b

127

103.8 c

259

103.9 ab

259

103.0 cd

103

241

104.0

104.21 ab

115

Marujala VIII

2.8

182

2.8

183

8.4 cd

189

4.17 cd

4.10

128

4.21

228

5.6

192

5.81

55, 171

8.8 ab

189

6.47

Passage

Page

7.21

9.4 ab

10.4 ab

171

12.82

18.14c

126

18.19 c

21 .17

188

21.18

23.18 c

23.21

281

23.24 ab

24.18 c

26.15 b

26.24

262

27.10 a

29,10

80.1

82.9

275

82.10

272, 275

38.10

43.11 ab

111

44.29 ab

260

48.4 a

127

48.6 a

127

52.9

57.1 cd

108

58.1 ab

58.1 cd

141

64.8 ab

64.9 c

08.11 abc

09.18

153

70.11 ub

195

70.12

111

70.18-14

188

70.15

189

72.7 ab

214

74.15

243

70.12

81.5

84.5

126

87.3 cd

128

91 .2

108, IIO

92.21 ab

282

92.30 ab

164

93.23

101 10 cd

108

102.19-21

289

Mand&La IX

2.10 c

100

6.8 ab

6.9

IX .5 ab

12.7 c

104

14.2

176

41.6

266

56.1 a

265

63.14

104

67.24

132

60,6 d

101

70.9 b

101

74.2 a

265

79.4

Passage

Page

86.82

122, 125,
250, 289

87.1 cd

88.2 cd

88.6 cd

89.4

251

95.2 cd

217

95.8

96.11 ab

104

96.18 c

97.1 ab

97.18 ab

275

97.47 d

258

101.18

202

106.7

107.9 abc

107.10 c

108.4 a

113.6 be

Manuals X

2.5

108

2.7

277

4.1

48, 263

5.2

217

11.4

18.4

180

15.11 ab

129

10.4 a

130

10.5 a

118

16.10 abc

129

16.11 d

129

17.8 b

120

18.1 ab

277

20.6 cd

21 .3 ab

22.8 ab

105

27.1

193, 199

27.2 cd

105

27.6 ab

197

31 .2

275

31 .5

32.2 cd

202

33.9

280

244

38.3 ab

197

39.14 ab

255

42.1 ab

255

44.0

126, 252

45.2

217

52.8 acd

162

52.6

53.2 ab

114

60.6 cd

194

61 .2

184

61.22 a

171

61.20 ab

62.1-3

244

62.11 b

120

63.12

200

65.7

65.11 d

274

66.12 b

71.3 a

71.4 a

71 .0 ab

205

INDEX OF IMPORTANT PASSAGES 295

Passage

Page

Passage

Page

Passage

Page

75.4

04.5 e

131 .2 d

205

76 .8 cd

94,6 b

245

131.2 d

205

76.5 b

267

96.13 ab

107

131.5 ed

78.1 ab

138, 259

245-46

134.7

70.3 cd

250 f.n.

98.7 ab

105

141 .4

85.6

90.8 d

205

148.3 e

140

86.19 ahc

100.2 e

112

140.5 cd

261

88.4 ab

100

100.5 c

252

154.1

129

88.8 abc

20, 87

101.1 ah

105.3 b

68.15-16

277, 78

105.4 ab

170.3 c

107

90.7 ab

105.10 ab

181 .1

92.10 d

286

106.10 ab

114

181 .2 ab

158

93.8 b

107.3 cd

271

182.2 ab

181

98.12 acd

255

107.8

271

191.2 ab

94.2 d

114.8 abd

191.2 cd

73, 267

94.8

118

114.7 a

246

191

246-47

GENERAL INDEX

Adhvaryu, 163
Akravihasta, 71
Aksara, 30
Altar, 73-75

Animal offering, 171-78
—Sacrifice, 135-37

Apri, 5, 6, 10, 20, 30, 36, 93, 116, 126,
133, 134, 136, 143, 161, 16Sf.n.,
173, 215, 232, also f.n., 239, 249,
286, 287
Asfadhyayi, 3
A$tapadi, 31, 243
Atharvanic hymns, 247
Atiratra, 127
Avabhrtha, 86, 213, 222
Avesta, 5, 6, 7, 29, 30, also f.n., 34, 38,
106, 163. 168f.n., 287

Barth, 10

Bergaigne, 9, 10, 119, 282f.n.

Bijankura Dnjtanta, 19, 37, 40
Bloomfield, 6, 12, 13, 69f.n„ 119, 208f.n.,

210

Brahmasava, 132
Brhati (rtasya), 27

Cctana

—Sacrifice, 281, 282
Chronological fallacy, 3
Citra, 183

Dadhyac, 55

Dak$ina, 119, 160, 271

Danastutis, 25, 48, 64, 67, 131, 188, 195,

224

—Sentiment in, 189

Deshmukh, Dr. P. S., 4f.n., 7, 8, 14, 87,
124, 142, 165, also f.n., 209, 212,
213, 222, 280, 282
Deussen, 208 f.n.

Devayana and Pitryana, 277-78
Dialogue hymns, 231
Divi${i, 76, 128
DIksa, 86, 213, 222

Edgerton, 11 f.n.

Gatha, 28, 29, 35
Gayatra, 28, 242

Geldner, 9, 86, 87 , 99f.n., 103f.n., 128f.n.,
131 f.n., 132, 133f.n„ 134f.n„ 167,
191, 233f.n„ 239, 246, 282f.n.

Gharma,

(vessel), 82
(offering), 110

Gita, 15, 38, 39, 44, 170, 221, 259f.n.,
272, 275, 276, 282f.n., 291, 292
Grassmann, 27fji., 31f.n., 87, 103f.n.,

134f.n.

Griffith, 29, 87, 182, 197f.n., 214
Griswold, 7

Haug, Dr. Martin, 5, 8, 10, 34, 35, 106,
163, 166, 216f.n., 219f.n., 220, 244
Hertel, 10

Hillebrandt, 10, 74, 159, 160, 180
Hotra,

—(hymn), 30
—(offering), 116
Hymns,

—mystical significance of, 25, 220, 244

—compared with, 252-56

James, Prof. E. O., 280
Jones, R. M., 207 f.n.

Kaegi, 7, 19
Kautsa, 12

Keith, Dr. A. B., 7, 8, 9, 14, 34f.n„ 123,
165, 211f.n., 280, 282f.n.

Ladles, 80-81
Lehmann, E., 207

Ludwig, 9, 27f.n., 103f.n„ 151, 198f.n„
217f.n., 231f.n.

Macdonell, Prof. A. A., 4f.n„ 6, 7,
9f.n., 14, 35f.n., 38, 123, 124,
141, 144, 154, 157, 165, 167, 181,
188, 211, 212, 244-46, 282
Macnicol, N., 207fm., 208
Maghavan,

—and Suris, 171-72
Mahidhara, 215 fm.

GENERAL INDEX

297

Max Muller, 4, 7, 60, 96f.n., 123, 128.

134, 165, 210, 222
Mystical element,

—and magic, 208-210
—idea underlying the, 220

NabhanedLjtha (hymn), 220, 244
Narasarhsi, 29
Nigada, 34
Nirukta, 19
Nivaedayemi, 34
Nivid, 3, 34, 35, 218
Non-sacrificers, 197-205, 272
—attitude of, 198-99, 272

Sakvari, 28
Sankara, 40, 209
Sankhyayana,

—Srauta Sutra, 34
Sacrifice,

—Agni, Indra and, 51
—Agni, Soma and, 53
—Converts to, 187, 195, 228
—designations of patrons and, 191-93
—ethical ideas and, 274-76
—growth in stages of the, 284-290
—household stability and the, 200
—idea of divinity and the, 61-62,

273-74, 283

Oldenberg, Prof. H., 7-10, 19, 34,

119f.n„ 164, 165, 178f.n„ 209, 280

Parucchepa,

—(group), 233
Pischel, R., 188

Pitryajna, 118, 128-30, 215, 277, 288

Pravfj, 82, 110, 131-32

Prayaja, 10, 232-33

—and Anuyaja, 131

Pressing stones, 82-85

—hymns to, 245-46

Priests,

—evolution of the class of, 168
Priests and patrons, 138-41, 169-71,

270-71

—similes relating to, 257-59
Purohita, 165
Purvamlarhsa, 2, 292

Raibhi, 29
Rathwi, 163
Rbhus,

—and Tva$(r, 57, 89-90
Renou, Prof. L., 9, 11, 235f.n.

Rgveda and the Brahmanas,

—difference in the period of the, 2-4

—approach of the, 270

Riddle hymns, 231

Roth, 7, 182

ftta,

—and Vedi, 73
—and gods, 43
—and sacrifice, 276, 291
—and the place of the sacrifice, 69-70
—and the idea of divinity, 57
fttavaka, 27

—origin of the, 282-83
—overall impression of the, 291
—points connected with the problem
of the, 11-12

—priestly families and the, 173-81
—progressive life and the, 94, 126
—purpose of the, 279-81
—Rta, Varuna and the, 58
—Saraswati and the, 67
—sentiment in the, 52, 289
—social ideal and the, 188
—Truth and the, 156, 199, 206
—with a variety of metaphors, 249-52
Sahasrasava, 133, 241
Samanabharman, 132-33
Savana, 105-108
Saman, 29, 32, 33
—Rathantara and Brhat, 31
Sayana, 24f.n., 27f.n., 29, 31f.n., 32,
33f.n., 78, 102f.n., 103f.n., 105f.n,.
129f.n., 133, 171f.n., 178f.n., 181,
183f.n., 190, also f.n., 197f.n.,

198f.n., 230f.n., 239, 250
Soma, 99-105

—influencing the sacrifice, 125
—similes, 249, 264-66
—vessels, 87-92
Somaparvan, 134
Svaru, 77-79
Svaha and Va$a{, 116-17

Tilak, 34 fin.

Tri$tubh, 27

Udgatf, 164
Upavaktr, 167

Valakhilya,

(group), 234
Vaidya, C. V., 7

SACRIFICE IN THE RGVEDA

Velankar, Prof. H. D., 16f.n„ 24f.n. 87fji„ Weber, 34f.n.

98f.n., lllf.n., 132, 133f.n., 134f.n„ Whitney, 208f.n.

159f.n., 187f.n, 197fji., 199f.n., Wintemitz, M„ 7, 19, 222

210, 230f.n„ 234f.n„ 250, 261f.n.,

263f.n. Yajus, 31

Viprarajya, 139, 270 Yajya,

Visvedevas, —and Anuvftky&, 9

—(group), 233 Yaska, 12, 19, 37

—hymns to, 62

-idea of, 60, 274, 286, 290 Zaotr, 163

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aitareya Brdhmana — Text and Introduction —(Vols. I & II)—
M. Hang.

An Outline of the Religious Literature of India —J. N. Farquhar,
London 1920.

Ancient Sanskrit Literature —Max Muller.

Apri Hymns in the Rgveda: a study and a theory (B.U.J. 1945-46 )—
K. R. Potdar.

Bibliographic Vedique —L. Renou 1931.

Buddha —H. Oldenberg.

Daivata-samhitd Vols. l-lll —Ed. Satavalekar.

Der Rigveda —(H.O.S. Vols. 33-35)—Geldner.

Essays on the religion of the Parsis —M. Haug.

History of Indian Literature Vol. I —M. Wintemitz.

History of Sanskrit Literature —Macdonell.

History of Sanskrit Literature (Vedic Period) —C. V. Vaidya.
History of Zorastrianism —Dr. Taraporevala.

Indo-Iranian Religion with parallelisms in the Hindu and Zorastrian
Scriptures —S. K. Hodivala 1925.

Les Ecoles Vediques —L. Renou.

Original Sanskrit Texts —Muir.

Religion of the Rgveda —Griswold.

Religion in the Vedic Literature —Dr. P S. Deshmukh.

Religion of the Veda —Bloomfield 1908.

Religion and Philosophy of the Veda —Vols. I-Il (H.O.S .)—Keith A. B.
Rgveda —Kaegi.

Rgveddntila Bhaktimarga —(Kausika lecturers) (Marathi)—Velankar
H. D. 1952.

Rgvedic Culture —Das.

Rgvedic India —Das.

Rgveda Samhitd (Text) —Ed. Satavalekar.

Rgveda Samhita (with Sdyana’s Bhd§ya) Vols. I-V —Ed. Vaidika
Samsodhan Mantfala.

Sanskrit Reader —Lanman, Harvard University Press 1947.

Vedic Hymns Part I (S.B.E. Series —Max Muller.

Vedic Hymns Part II (S.B.E. Series) —H. Oldenberg.

Vedic India —Ragozin.

Vedic Index — Vols. I and II —Macdonell and Keith.

Vedische Studien —Pischel and Geldner.

Sarvanukramani with Sadgurusipya’s Commentary —Macdonell.
Worterbuch Zum Rgveda —Grassmann.

Zarathushtra —Dr. Taraporevala.

Zarathushtra and his contemporaries in Rigveda —S. K. Hodivala
1913.

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